高校高学历女教师角色压力及疏解

作为“传统的现代女人”,高校高学历女教师有着强烈的自我发展需求、主体意识和成就动机,但在沉重的学术压力面前她们更容易出现职业倦怠;作为“现代的传统女人”,未婚的高学历女教师往往面临“结构性剩余”的境地,已婚的高学历女教师则在事业与家庭之间做着“鱼与熊掌”的艰难选择。多种角色压力归根到底是由于传统社会期待与现代价值追求的冲突,疏解这些压力要全社会共同努力,推进社会性别文化的良性发展,高学历女教师也要对自我作理性认知,提高对不同角色的适应能力。     

道路自信与制度自信的双重逻辑——“一国两制”的时代论域与哲学意涵

哲学的特质决定了其对现实世界分析的深刻底蕴,即历史的客观性与规律的概括性。对"一国两制"道路的认识与评价,必须从国情与时代的演进中来探寻发展的逻辑。"一国两制"的科学性体现在原则性与灵活性的有机统一,适应了生产力与生产关系的发展规律,丰富、拓展了马克思主义国家学说的当代论域。     

新时期警察类职业院校学生管理工作方法与创新

随着高职教育改革步伐的进一步加快,警察类职业院校学生管理工作中传统的管理理念、管理方式和管理体制已越来越难以适应形势发展的需要。积极探索适应时代要求的学生管理工作模式,尝试使用柔性管理法、5S管理法、PDCA循环管理法以及SWOT分析法等现代管理方法,切实提高警察类职业院校学生管理工作质量。     

雷锋精神的当代传播——以丽水职业技术学院为例

丽水职业技术学院以“爱的教育”为载体,探讨怎样用学雷锋常态化培育和实践社会主义核心价值观,将学习雷锋精神与校园文化建设相融合,实现学雷锋活动“校为基地,四化联动,五方助力”的常态化机制化,取得精神文明和物质文明,立德育人和服务社会的“双丰收”。     

博士学位点区域发展差异与趋势研究——基于2005年至2011年追踪数据的实证分析

通过构建基于博士学位点发展情况的我国区域博士学位点发展模型,并运用多层线性模型(HLM)分析技术对我国31个省份(直辖市或者自治区,以下简称31个省份)博士学位点(二级学科)在2005-2011年期间的发展情况展开追踪研究。实证分析结果显示:第一,我国博士学位点的发展情况表现出显著的区域差异性;第二,区域博士学位点的总体发展趋势表现出线性增长的特点;第三,各省经济发展水平对博士学位点的发展存在显著影响;第四,除了经济发展水平的影响外,还存在其他因素影响区域博士学位点的发展情况。     

Labour supply and wages among nuclear and extended households: The Surinamese experiment

This article explores labour market behaviour of members of extended and nuclear households in Suriname. Previous analyses have found that co‐operative childcare opportunities within the extended household increase female labour force participation. Such coordination implies correlated participation decisions, which invalidates standard assumptions made in estimating participation with probits and wages with regressions. We employ a GMM estimation, which allows correlation among household members. We find that extended and nuclear household members are not significantly different in participation propensities, but do differ significantly in wages. We argue that greater home production opportunities in extended households dilute labour market effort and hours, reducing earnings.     

Filling the Moral Void: The Christian Right in Singapore

In March 2009 a group of Anglican Pentecostal women took over the Association of Women for Action and Research, a secular women's rights group in Singapore. This sparked an intense month-long public debate over a variety of issues which included the increasing aggression of the “Christian Right,” the secular nature of public space in Singapore, sex education and tolerance for gay communities, culminating in state intervention. While conventional sociological studies have suggested a variety of explanations for the growing presence of Pentecostal Christians in the public sphere, such as religious stratification or their links to party politics, few have examined it within the framework of nation-building. This paper seeks to understand the recent emergence of the “Christian Right” and its exposition on various moral issues within a historical context – a context from which the People's Action Party government successfully arose, in part, due to its self-construction as a moral state, and argues that the post-industrial challenges of globalisation have forced the government to be less morally conservative, resulting in a perceived moral vacuum which certain segments of Pentecostal Christians have felt compelled to fill.     

The regional outcome of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement five years down the road: Are external forces playing a progressive role?

ABSTRACT

The Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of January 2005 is the outcome of regional and international mediation led by the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD)1 and the IGAD Partners’ Forum broadened to include the United States of America, Norway, the Netherlands, Canada, Italy and the United Nations. Five years into its implementation the peace agreement appears to have transformed the war between North and South Sudan into a series of engagements of conflicting nature. Numerous contradictory actions by both the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the National Congress Party (NCP) (the main political forces behind the CPA) have been noted during the ongoing implementation process (Grawert forthcoming 2010; Grawert and El-Battahani 2005; Wassara 2008). Although internal Sudanese forces are the key actors in implementing the CPA, external forces are critical in providing the support and pressure needed for a complete realisation of the peace deal. The New Regionalism Approach (NRA), as advanced by Grant and Soderbäum (2003), is instrumental in understanding this dynamic. This article is based on the result of a study that seeks to examine why positive engagements of external forces are needed for a timely implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.     

Television and attitudes toward foreign countries: A report on a survey of Scandinavian children

Children of all ages are more likely to use electronic sources of information such as television and radio-than they are print sources-such as newspapers and magazines-according to a variety of studies. This study examines whether this tendency continues if the children are forced by their primary and secondary school teachers to use multiple news sources-of their own choice-to follow an election campaign. Based on responses from an extraordinarily large sample of 24,348 children, this study focuses on media use by participants in the Kids Voting USA civics education program. Study results demonstrate that even when seeking campaign information in 1994, a non-presidential election year when the emphasis was more on state and local races, children overwhelmingly preferred television and radio as sources of information. Newspaper usage trailed both electronic forms even when a child's family subscribed to a paper. The study found no significant difference between White and non-White children in their choices and uses of information sources. The large sample size also allowed for a detailed look at often neglected subgroups such as Native American children (n = 1,114) and Asian-American children (n = 768).     

Restorative justice in the aftermath of politically-motivated violence: the Basque experience

ABSTRACT

An emerging body of literature discusses how restorative justice can contribute to the response to terrorism. This paper expresses concerns about the uncritical acceptance of many orthodox assumptions about terrorism inherent in the search for a “restorative response” to terrorism. When restorative justice embraces the label “terrorism” in what appears to be a politically neutral sense, rather than opening up a critical discussion of realities of political violence and the factors that had propelled it, it may form part of the efforts designed to inculcate “truths” that help control political dissent. With its key aspiration being to restore a presumed healthy order disrupted by terrorist offences, restorative justice may be enlisted to help entrench social relations that led to the violence in the first place. The paper illustrates this danger by examining attempts to use restorative justice techniques by Spanish authorities in the aftermath of ETA or Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (“Basque Homeland and Freedom”) violence. It is argued that rather than searching for a “restorative response” to terrorism, a more adequate framework for restorative justice in the aftermath of politically motivated violence may be found within broader projects of reparation for historical injustices, remembering and political reconciliation.