全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2078篇 |
免费 | 531篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 110篇 |
工人农民 | 45篇 |
世界政治 | 40篇 |
外交国际关系 | 76篇 |
法律 | 1646篇 |
中国共产党 | 5篇 |
中国政治 | 77篇 |
政治理论 | 529篇 |
综合类 | 81篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 20篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 43篇 |
2020年 | 72篇 |
2019年 | 181篇 |
2018年 | 165篇 |
2017年 | 145篇 |
2016年 | 166篇 |
2015年 | 139篇 |
2014年 | 143篇 |
2013年 | 410篇 |
2012年 | 227篇 |
2011年 | 179篇 |
2010年 | 99篇 |
2009年 | 77篇 |
2008年 | 124篇 |
2007年 | 100篇 |
2006年 | 84篇 |
2005年 | 55篇 |
2004年 | 51篇 |
2003年 | 50篇 |
2002年 | 25篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有2609条查询结果,搜索用时 12 毫秒
281.
Recent developments in sanctions for sex offenders emphasize use of sex offender registries and residential restrictions in efforts to raise public awareness and keep offenders away from possible victims. One consequence of such efforts is to relegate registered sex offenders to socially disorganized communities. The present study draws on census tract level data from one urban county and assesses whether offenders are likely to be found in socially disorganized communities and in communities with high concentrations of potential victims. Findings show that registered sex offenders are more likely to reside in socially disorganized and disadvantaged communities, but not in locations with large pools of most types of possible victims (e.g., women living alone, children). Residential location is explained in terms of economic factors, not desire to live near possible victims. Implications for current policies and practices are discussed. 相似文献
282.
283.
James K. Sebenius 《Negotiation Journal》2013,29(1):7-21
A long analytic tradition has explored the challenge of productively synchronizing “internal” with “external” negotiations, with a special focus on how each side can best manage internal opposition to agreements negotiated “at the table.” Implicit in much of this work has been the view that each side's leadership is best positioned to manage its own internal conflicts, often by pressing for deal terms that will overcome internal objections and by effectively “selling” the agreement to key constituencies. Far less frequently have analysts considered how each side can help the other side with its “behind‐the‐table” barriers to successful agreement. Following Robert Putnam's two‐level games schema, I characterize such “behind‐the‐table” or “Level Two” barriers more broadly, offer several innovative examples of how each side can help the other overcome them, and develop more general advice on doing so most effectively. As a fuller illustration of a Level Two negotiator helping the other side with its formidable behind‐the‐table challenges, I pay special attention to the end‐of‐Cold‐War negotiations over German reunification in which former American Secretary of State James Baker played a key role. 相似文献
284.
Jennifer Lees‐Marshment 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2003,3(4):358-370
Charities or interest groups need to attract supporters, who offer both financial support and participation, to achieve their overall goal of influencing public affairs. They can use political marketing to help them attract and retain such supporters. Existing literature indicates they use marketing techniques such as direct mail to communicate to potential new supporters, but new research has discovered that the influence of political marketing is much more comprehensive. The most effective groups are now using political marketing to design the package they offer to supporters. They go through a four‐stage process. First, they conduct market intelligence to understand what supporters want from the organisation and second, they design their product accordingly. Third, they communicate this to potential supporters and then finally deliver campaign progress and they communicate this to existing supporters. They use marketing concepts: they adopt a market orientation and build an organisation designed to take account of its users' needs and wants. Although such charities are often associated with non‐business behaviour, the most successful groups are adopting the concepts and techniques of comprehensive political marketing as the means to increase their influence on government and public affairs. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
285.
Aurélien Buffat 《Swiss Political Science Review》2007,13(2):261-289
L'étude des réformes de l'administration et des institutions publiques suisses a considérablement délaissé la problématique des conséquences des changements sur le terrain et surtout n'a pas analysé le vécu des acteurs administratifs de base. Notre étude vise, au niveau analytique, à rendre compte du vécu des réformes à l'échelon des «petits fonctionnaires»; sur un plan méthodologique, une enquête de nature ethnographique est introduite pour étudier ce questionnement. Notre enquête sur la réforme de l'armée suisse «Armée XXI» sert d'illustration. Si notre démarche permet de parvenir à des résultats intéressants sur les conséquences et le vécu de cette réforme, elle comporte également des enjeux empiriques spécifiques articulés autour de la question centrale de la relation du chercheur à son terrain. Au final, une microsociologie ethnographique du vécu des réformes par les acteurs de base nous semble susceptible de contribuer à un enrichissement de la recherche sur les transformations récentes des institutions publiques en Suisse. 相似文献
286.
Albert W. Harris 《Negotiation Journal》2010,26(3):327-356
Although insurgencies may begin their rebellions with expressed desires for outcomes unacceptable to opposing governments, the desired insurgent outcomes sometimes undergo modification, creating conditions that can make governments more amenable to external mediation. In certain separatist conflicts, the likelihood of external mediation increases when the political redefinition of the state insisted upon by the insurgents undergoes a revision, from secession to self‐determination, understood as a variant of autonomy. In the same vein, although it may not happen concurrently, insurgent movements become more amenable to external mediation if and when opposing governments revise the preferred conflict outcome from a military defeat of the insurgents to a containment of the movement. These two developments can serve as objective referents helping external parties to identify a ripe moment in the conflict and initiate mediation. But the implementation of an agreement ending separatist conflict may not occur if the government fails to submit the proposed territorial bounds of autonomy to prior review by constituents. Potential spoilers among government constituents should be identified and recruited to participate in the negotiations so that the likelihood of agreement rejection is reduced. In some states, however, the legal mechanisms and political opportunities for constituents to act as spoilers do not exist. 相似文献
287.
Joachim Blatter 《Swiss Political Science Review》2010,16(2):247-277
Der Beitrag analysiert den zunehmenden Horizontalföderalismus im politischen Mehrebenensystem der Schweiz und fragt nach den Gefahren und Chancen für die Weiterentwicklung der Schweizer Demokratie. Die Evaluierung erfolgt auf der Basis der komplexen Demokratietheorie von Fritz Scharpf, ergänzt um die konstitutiven Perspektiven einer reflexiven Demokratietheorie. Insgesamt wird deutlich, dass der Horizontalföderalismus vor allem aus einer liberalen Position innerhalb einer Output‐ orientierten Demokratietheorie als problematisch angesehen werden muss, da die kantonale Exekutive gegenüber der Legislative gestärkt wird. Der Aufsatz betont aber die Chancen für die schweizerische Demokratie, da der Horizontalföderalismus grosse Ähnlichkeiten mit den Entscheidungsfindungsprozessen auf internationaler Ebene besitzt. Er liefert damit der Schweiz ein Übungsfeld, um ihr traditionell sehr introvertiertes Verständnis von demokratischer Selbstbestimmung zu überwinden und anzuerkennen, dass in einer interdependenten und mobilen Welt die “Einbeziehung des (externen) Anderen” ein Bestandteil einer legitimen demokratischen Ordnung darstellt. 相似文献
288.
Abstract: The quality and efficiency of a standard organic DNA isolation method and a silica‐based method using the QIAGEN Blood Maxi Kit were compared to obtain human DNA and short tandem repeats (STRs) profiles from 39 exhumed bone samples for paternity testing. DNA samples were quantified by real‐time PCR, and STR profiles were obtained using the AmpFlSTR® Identifiler® PCR amplification kit. Overall, the silica‐based method recovered less DNA ranging from 0 to 147.7 ng/g (average 7.57 ng/g, median = 1.3 ng/g) than did the organic method ranging from 0 to 605 ng/g (average 44.27 ng/g, median = 5.8 ng/g). Complete profiles (16/16 loci tested) were obtained from 37/39 samples (95%) using the organic method and from 9/39 samples (23%) with the silica‐based method. Compared with a standard organic DNA isolation method, our results indicate that the published silica‐based method does not improve neither the quality nor the quantity of DNA for STR profiling. 相似文献
289.
290.