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41.
This study investigates media priming effects in the context of a Summit meeting of European Union (EU) leaders. It differs
in four ways from most previous non-experimental priming studies: (1) it provides survey data accompanied by a content analysis
of the news, (2) it compares priming effects on evaluations of a number of political leaders, who differed in their visibility
in the news, (3) it involves an issue with low salience, and (4) it studies priming effects in the context of a European Parliamentary
democracy. The study involves a two-wave panel study (before and after the Summit) on a representative sample of 817 Dutch
adults, and a content analysis of the newspaper and television news in the 8 weeks leading up to the Summit meeting. The study
shows that media priming effects occur only for the politicians who appeared visible in the news in connection with the issue.
The media priming effects were not significantly moderated by political attentiveness or by political knowledge. We also explore
the aggregate level consequences of priming for the popularity of leaders, and demonstrate that, as a result of media priming,
two politicians became more popular, despite having received a bad press.
相似文献
Wouter van der BrugEmail: |
42.
检察审查羁押必要性的适用对象是修正后的刑事诉讼法第79条第一款的被羁押者。审查程序的启动可以是检察机关依据职权审查,也可以是依据被羁押者或其近亲属、法定代理人、其委托的辩护律师申请而进行审查。间隔性审查的期限以60日为宜。审查的方式是对席制和书面调查制,根据不同的方式采取不同的程序。检察审查后作出的无羁押必要的决定应该具有程序效力,但修正后的刑事诉讼法并没有规定该决定的程序执行效力。这在以后的司法实践中可能出现羁押必要性审查制度虚置的现象。 相似文献
43.
This article explores the relationship between vote sincerity and the time at which vote decisions are finalized. It posits that a specific set of competitive circumstances are necessary for insincere voting to occur, and that voters' understanding of these circumstances can be influenced by exposure to information during a campaign. The article introduces a new method of operationalizing a commonly overlooked type of insincere voting: the protest voter. As defined here, protest voters express their political dissatisfaction by supporting an uncompetitive non-traditional party that is not their first preference. Canadian Election Study data reveal that protest voters make up a small, but noteworthy segment of the electorate and that insincere voters tend to make their vote decisions relatively late. 相似文献
44.
There are two approaches to predicting election outcomes: (1) a historical approach, which uses past election results alongside macroeconomic and political variables to forecast election results up to a year in advance, and (2) a campaign-oriented approach, which uses current campaign trends to forecast vote shares at the end of the campaign. They are in some way at odds—one approach says the campaign doesn't matter, the other focuses entirely on the campaign. This article considers whether the two approaches might be usefully combined; it considers whether the prediction errors in historical models may be related to trends during the campaign. That possibility is tested here using 17 elections in the US, UK and Canada, combining historical predictions and automated content analyses of campaign-period media content. Results suggest that campaigns do not account for errors in the historical predictions; but there may be other ways in which campaigns matter in conjunction with historical models. 相似文献
45.
There is reason to suspect that lower levels of exposure to criminogenic peer‐based risks help explain why immigrant youth are less involved in crime and violence. However, it also is possible that if and when they do encounter these risks, immigrant youth are more vulnerable to them than are native‐born youth. Drawing from literature on the adaptation experiences of immigrant adolescents, we hypothesize that immigrant youth will be relatively more susceptible to the effects of both 1) exposure to deviant peers and 2) unstructured and unsupervised socializing with peers when compared with their nonimmigrant counterparts. Using a sample of approximately 1,800 adolescents from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN) study, we find support for our first hypothesis but not the second. Specifically, in both cross‐sectional and longitudinal models, we find that exposure to deviant peers has a greater impact on violence among immigrant youth than it does for native‐born youth. Furthermore, this pattern of results is supported with supplemental, sensitivity analysis using the AddHealth data. In contrast, there are no statistically significant differences across immigrant generation status with regard to the effect of informal socializing with peers on violence. 相似文献
46.
能动司法是司法创造力的体现。在美国,这种司法能动的突出表现形式是司法审查权,通过多年的案例发展,美国已经形成了较为完备的司法审查体制。在英国,至今法院尚无对立法的审查权。但在英美法系国家,由于有判例法传统,法官的司法能动性相对较大,在案件审理中,区分相似案件事实和不断发展法律规则是法官司法技术的重要组成部分。英美法系的司法能动对我国司法实践具有积极的借鉴意义。在我国,司法能动在审判领域的主要表现形式是最高法院司法解释、个案法官法律论证,其主线是政策考量与法律考量,也可称之为社会效果考量与法律效果考量。 相似文献
47.
48.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):644-669
A prominent perspective in the gang literature suggests that gang member involvement in drug selling does not necessarily increase violent behavior. In addition it is unclear from previous research whether neighborhood disadvantage strengthens that relationship. We address these issues by testing hypotheses regarding the confluence of neighborhood disadvantage, gang membership, drug selling, and violent behavior. A three‐level hierarchical model is estimated from the first five waves of the 1997 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, matched with block‐group characteristics from the 2000 U.S. Census. Results indicate that (1) gang members who sell drugs are significantly more violent than gang members that don’t sell drugs and drug sellers that don’t belong to gangs; (2) drug sellers that don’t belong to gangs and gang members who don’t sell drugs engage in comparable levels of violence; and (3) an increase in neighborhood disadvantaged intensifies the effect of gang membership on violence, especially among gang members that sell drugs. 相似文献
49.
K. Amber Curtis 《国际相互影响》2014,40(3):402-430
When and how will personal financial (aka “pocketbook”) concerns drive citizens’ political decisions? Scholars remain puzzled by the mismatch between the expectation that pocketbook voting should occur and the reality that, according to most findings, it usually does not. Using original survey data collected immediately after Iceland’s second “Icesave” referendum (2011), I first report the results of an embedded experiment that successfully evokes greater pocketbook concern. Next, I analyze the determinants of retrospective pocketbook evaluations, showing that priming effects are conditioned by political sophistication such that high sophisticates are among the most likely to report negative economic assessments. I then turn to the consequences of these egocentric views for government approval. Mediation analysis confirms a significant indirect effect, suggesting that subjective pocketbook evaluations exert a strong influence on political attitudes that has been hidden in prior work. Results illuminate the contextual, cognitive, and causal circumstances under which pocketbook effects transpire and suggest new ways in which self-interest might matter for attitudes toward international political economy issues. 相似文献
50.
“意思表示”是医务人员在医疗行为过程中将其期望发生某种法律效果的内心意思以一定方式表现于外部的行为,是医疗行为的核心内容。针对当前临床医疗实践中医务人员意思表示的具体情况,本文分析了医务人员“意思表示”的构成要素、表示形式及法律效力,尤其是具体分析了意思表示不真实情况下医疗行为的法律效力,对医院规范管理医务人员的医疗行为具有一定的积极意义。 相似文献