刑法谦抑性理念的本土化探究

刑法谦抑性理念内发于刑法法益保护和人权保护机能谐和,融括了限缩、补充、经济和轻刑的基本理念。着眼于此,以本土化的视角探究刑法谦抑性的理念的价值内涵、适用土壤以及建构路径,有助于推进我国刑事法治建设。     

试论劳动教养制度的改革与完善

劳动教养制度作为我国的一项法律制度，从1955年诞生至今已近有50多年了，它在维护社会稳定，改造轻微犯罪人员等方面起了不可忽视的作用。今天，在建设“法治国”的进程中，人们开始以新的视角来审视它，并进而对涉及这一制度的许多根本性问题提出质疑，这对深化劳教制度的改革乃至推动国家的法制建设无疑具有重要的意义。本文介绍了劳动教养制度的发展现状及存在的问题，并阐述了劳动教养制度改革的趋势。     

试论劳动教养制度的改革与完善

作为我国的一项法律制度,劳动教养制度在维护社会稳定、改造轻微犯罪人员等方面起到了不可忽视的作用。但随着社会的发展和行政权力在相应社会领域里的淡化,劳动教养制度在程序和实体方面都呈现出一些问题,对其进行深度改革已成为必然。     

A problem with empirical studies of party policy shifts: Alternative measures of party shifts are uncorrelated

Many recent cross-national studies analyse the causes and electoral consequences of party policy shifts, using party position measures derived from election manifestos, expert surveys or voter surveys. However few studies validate their findings by analysing multiple measures of party policy shifts. In this article, data on European parties’ position shifts on both European integration and left-right ideology is analysed, showing that this is problematic because, while alternative measures of party policy positions correlate strongly in cross-sectional analyses, alternative measures of parties’ policy shifts are essentially uncorrelated in longitudinal analyses. Suggestions are offered on how to address this problem.     

Do party supporters accept policy compromises in coalition governments?

Government formation in multi-party systems often requires coalition negotiations and finding common ground among coalition partners. Supporters of parties involved in the government formation process face a trade-off when evaluating such bargaining processes: on the one hand, voters usually prefer seeing their party being in government rather than in opposition; on the other hand, negotiations require coalition compromises that they might dislike. In this paper, we study voters’ willingness to accept policy compromises during government formation processes. We argue that voters’ acceptance of policy compromises depends on both the strength of their party attachment and the importance they assign to the issue at stake during the coalition negotiations. Not giving in on important issues is key, especially for supporters of challenger parties, who hold strong policy preferences on a selected number of issues. To test these expectations, we collected original survey data immediately after the Spanish general election in November 2019. The results show support for the hypothesized effects, shed light on the pressure potential coalition partners face during government formation and help explain the failures of government formation attempts in increasingly polarized societies.     

我国程序性辩护的现状和完善

在对抗式司法理念的指导下,加强犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的诉讼权利,强化其辩护权以及实现控辩双方平等武装成为刑事诉讼立法的焦点。伴随我国刑事诉讼理论研究的不断深入,程序公正在刑事诉讼法中地位的提高．程序性辩护逐渐进入立法者的视野。《刑事诉讼法修正草案》确认了程序性辩护制度,并构建了相应的配套机制．但是依然存在一定的缺陷,应当从构建司法审查制度和优化程序性制裁机制两个方面进一步予以完善。     

How voters' perceptions of junior coalition partners depend on the prime minister's position

Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left‐right policy agreement based on governing coalition arrangements. This article extends this research to present theoretical and empirical evidence that European citizens update their perceptions of junior coalition partners' left‐right policies to reflect the policies of the prime minister's party, but that citizens do not reciprocally project junior coalition partners' policies onto the prime minister's party. These findings illuminate the simple rules that citizens employ to infer parties' policy positions, broaden understanding of how citizens perceive coalition governance and imply that ‘niche’ parties, whose electoral appeal depends upon maintaining a distinctive policy profile, assume electoral risks when they enter government.     

论我国刑事责任的承担方式

刑事责任问题是刑法理论中比较重要的问题.正确认识刑事责任的承担方式是刑法发展的要求,同时也是 刑事责任理论应用于实战的前提条件。本文探讨了我国刑事责任的承担方式,并提出刑事制裁概念。     

论我国劳动教养立法完善的必要性

劳动教养作为一项有中国特色的法律制度,自1957年创立以来,教育、感化、挽救了大批违法犯罪人员。然而,随着我国法治进程的加快,劳动教养制度越来越不能适应社会的需要,在立法等诸方面都明显滞后于社会的发展。因此,完善劳动教养立法,使劳动教养有法可依,具有非常重大的现实意义。     

The classification of electoral systems: Bringing legislators back in

It is widely assumed that electoral institutions shape politicians' incentive for personal vote-seeking, with important behavioral and policy consequences. Yet, there is a surprising lack of consensus on how to compare real-world electoral institutions. Using new data this paper examines how legislators' own perception of their electoral incentives in fifteen democracies correspond to some of the most seminal classification schemes in political science. Our survey of 2326 legislators – the empirically broadest study of personal vote orientation so far conducted – demonstrates that legislators do not always understand electoral incentives in the same way scholarly rankings do, highlighting the need for scholars of political institutions to justify their choice of classification scheme. If not, an entire body of literature may be misguided.