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101.
Estimates of the prevalence of marital violence have been found to vary dramatically from survey to survey. This paper addresses one potential explanation for this difference which involves the focus and format of different surveys. We examine the extent to which survey respondents are willing to report marital violence in a context which focuses on criminal behaviors as opposed to a family violence context. In a very basic way, this answers a question as to whether individuals are willing to define acts of marital violence as criminal. Methodologically, it is a measurement issue which seriously affects the ability to compare findings across samples. National Youth Survey data are used to compare rates of generalized spousal assault and victimization reported in a crime context with rates of marital assault and victimization reported in a family violence context. Results indicate that 40 to 83% of all marital assaults and victimizations reported in the marital violence section are not reported in a format which focuses on criminal assault and victimization. 相似文献
102.
Using data from the UCR's Supplementary Homicide Reports, the methodof qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) is used to examine whetherinstrumental and expressive homicides are similar or unique in their socialcontext (i.e., combinations of offender, victim, and situationalcharacteristics). Instrumental and expressive homicides are found to haveboth common and unique social contexts, but the vast majority of homicideincidents involve combinations of individual and situational factors thatare common in both general types of homicides. Among subtypes ofinstrumental (like rape, prostitution, robbery murders) and expressivehomicides (like lovers' triangles, brawls, and arguments), there iswide variability in their prevalence of unique and common components. Afterdiscussing these results, the paper concludes with illustrations of how QCAmay be used in other areas within criminology. 相似文献
103.
This article is concerned with the intersections of law, texts and sexuality. Drawing on recent work in theoretical cartography,
this article seeks to argue that a cartographical reading of law can be usefully brought to bear on the legal analysis of
sexuality. This article considers how looking to contemporary theoretical and critical cartography can help to reveal law
as a process of mapping; how sexuality is mapped both within and without the law through cultural texts, and how law’s encounters
with the terrains mapped out by those texts might be enriched and diversified. This article seeks to consider how legal mappings
of the terrains of sexuality might be sufficiently contextualised and located within a wider socio-political context, and
how a specifically cartographical interpretation might reveal the potential for the law to accommodate the complexity of gendered
and sexualised identities that do not easily conform to singular positionings. In order to navigate the texts and terrains
of law and sexuality, we must first learn to become cartographers, and through this process, perhaps open up radical and alternative
mappings.
相似文献
Bela ChatterjeeEmail: |
104.
Scott D. McClurg 《Political Behavior》2006,28(4):349-366
Despite scholarly interest in determining how exposure to disagreeable political ideas influences political participation, existing research supports few firm conclusions. This paper argues that these varied findings stem from an implicit model of contextual influence that fails to account for the indirect effect of aggregate social contexts. A model of contextual influence is outlined which implies that the neighborhood partisan context moderates the effect of political disagreement in social networks on campaign participation. The evidence shows that network disagreement demobilizes people who are the political minority in their neighborhood, but has no influence on people in the majority. When viewed together, these findings indicate that a person’s relationship to the broader political environment sets distinctive network processes in motion.
相似文献
Scott D. McClurgEmail: Phone: +1-618-453-3191 |
105.
This paper explores the importance of linking the micro- and macro-level dimensions of household and personal victimization. Specifically, we use the British Crime Survey, a nationally representative sample of 10,905 residents of England and Wales, to examine differences in victimization risk associated with demographic characteristics, lifestyle-routine activities, and community context. In general, victimization risk is highest for the young, the singles, and those who frequently go out at night or leave their homes empty. Independent of these individual-level effects, however, burglary victimization is directly related to community levels of primary (single)-individual households, family disruption, unemployment, and housing density, while personal theft is inversely related to community social cohesion (friendship networks, residential stability). Furthermore, personal theft is positively related to community street activity (i.e., rate at which residents go out at night on foot), regardless of individual-level lifestyle. The results thus support a multilevel opportunity model of predatory victimization. 相似文献
106.
近代法律概念理论的语境分析——以奥斯丁和丘汉平为比较视点 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
通过以奥斯丁和丘汉平为个案的中西比较,对法律理论的周边语境进行分析,是新型知识社会学在法学中的一种探索,可以更为深入地理解近代法学理论的历史发动,进而深入理解发展至今的世界法学运作的内在隐蔽含义。 相似文献
107.
The civic education policy at the school level in Hong Kong had emerged before the Second World War, but the Hong Kong Education Department did not really implement this civic education policy. From the statist and colonial perspectives, this phenomenon was due to several factors, such as: (1) how the Hong Kong Government coped with the whole historical period and scenarios; (2) how it implemented the related policy; (3) whether civic education policy really became part of the government agendas; and (4) whether education did clarify some crucial historical questions. This paper wants to make certain about these questions. In fact, the Republic of China adopted modern schooling system which civic education was one of school subject. But it was not the education policy of the colonial Hong Kong Government. Historical reasons about this issue require reconstructive explanation. Under this study, the understanding of misinterpreted history can be amended correctly. 相似文献
108.
溯因推理具有显著的特征:或然性(假设性)、逆向性、非单调性、语用性和创新性.溯因推理研究的新进路在于,其发生了语用学的转向以及语用论证(论辩)的转向.在法律方法(法律适用)和法律逻辑的视域,溯因推理的研究及其运用,长期困固于刑事侦查领域中,对于其在司法判决(审判阶段中)作为一种法律论证方法以解决疑难案件的论证则少有使用.以法律论证为视角,用一例只有被害人陈述为直接证据的强奸案件为例,通过对传统证据链模式的分析,提出印证式证据链模式和排除式证据链模式,建立溯因推理的正向溯因推理模式和反向溯因推理模式,并在案件证据所呈现的情境下建构法律语境,展现溯因推理在具体案件中的法律论证,以期能为我国司法判决实现合理性和正当性,提供一种新的论证模式或方法. 相似文献
109.
Eye-closure may help people remember live and videotaped mundane events and videotaped violent events. The present study extended this research by examining memory for a forensically relevant live event (a staged verbal altercation) and by interviewing witnesses under naturalistic conditions. Ninety-six witnesses were interviewed either inside in a quiet setting or outside on a busy street, with eyes open or closed. In free recall, eye-closure significantly increased the number of correct details reported, without harming testimonial accuracy. These benefits were significant for witnesses interviewed inside but not for witnesses interviewed outside. This finding highlights the potential role of spontaneous mental context reinstatement in the eye-closure effect. In cued recall, eye-closure improved fine-grain correct recall of visual details for both groups of witnesses. From an applied perspective, the findings suggest that police interviewers should instruct witnesses to close their eyes, both during initial statements taken on the street and during full interviews conducted at the police station. 相似文献
110.
Michael Thrasher Galina Borisyuk Mary Shears Colin Rallings 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(5):713-734
AbstractThe time investment in council duties and the roles adopted by local councillors in Britain have been studied extensively but rarely has research incorporated information about the type of area represented. This article combines individual-level survey responses from councillors with aggregate-level data that describe characteristics of the wards that elect each councillor. The survey data report each councillor’s social and political characteristics, the average hours per week performing council duties and the range and frequency of activities undertaken. The ward-level data include a measure of relative social deprivation, electoral competitiveness and other features. The analysis shows that councillors representing relatively deprived areas spend more time on council activities than do councillors representing more affluent areas. The activities that councillors pursue, especially whether they are proactive or reactive towards constituents, relate to the ward context. Women and people that are retired from work also invest relatively more time in their work as councillors. These findings establish that assessments of what councillors do and the roles that they might adopt should take account of the types of ward being represented. 相似文献