环境损害赔偿立法框架和内容的思考

环境损害赔偿立法的必要性由现实社会关系调整的必要性和现行相关立法的不适应性所决定。我国环境损害赔偿立法宜采取实体和程序一体、行政处理与司法处理一体的立法模式,并着重规定环境纠纷处理和环境损害赔偿方面所涉及的一些特殊问题。立法框架和内容主要包括环境损害赔偿的适用条件、环境损害赔偿的范围、环境损害赔偿责任的认定、环境损害赔偿纠纷的行政处理、环境损害赔偿的司法处理等部分。环境损害赔偿立法的难点在于环境行政主管机关处理决定的法律效力问题以及因果关系推定的准确表述问题。     

“入世”后我国应对环境贸易壁垒之研究

中国加入WTO之后,一些国家的环境贸易壁垒将进一步威胁我国的外贸出口。为此,我们应该研究运用WTO相关环境政策法规和争端解决机制来应对面临的环境贸易壁垒。还应注意团结广大发展中国家,积极参与包括环境贸易在内的新一轮WTO多边贸易谈判,做游戏规则的制定者和相关谈判的智者。     

劳动争议处理制度的新变化——以《劳动争议调解仲裁法》为依据

劳动争议处理制度是劳动法确立的一项重要程序制度,是构建和谐劳动关系的法律机制之一。但我国过去的劳动争议处理剁度存在不少缺陷,新颁布的《劳动争议调解仲裁法》则基本立足于我国实际,在一些制度设计上取得了重大突破,主要表现为：立法价值取向更加务实;劳动争议调解主体多元化;争议处理时限缩短,提高了争议处理效率;仲裁组织的建拘趋于合理化;对劳动争议仲裁时效进行了重欠完善;确立了部分劳动争议案件的仲裁终局制;确立了私法对劳动争议仲裁的有限监督等,从而使劳动争议处理制度产生了新的变化。     

刍论ICSID仲裁庭对“投资”的界定

《解决国家与他国国民间投资争端公约》的缔结历史表明,长期的协商和谈判并未促成缔约国间就投资一词的含义达成统一意见。同时,由于ICSID仲裁庭的组成依个案而不同,对于投资的界定每个仲裁庭的方法也并不完全相同。根据ICSID仲裁庭过去的判例,仲裁庭主要依据两种方法对投资进行界定。ICSID仲裁庭应当在充分地尊重缔约国因接受ICSID仲裁体制所让渡的主权权利的基础上,严格地解释《解决国家与他国国民间投资争端公约》及双边投资保护条约中投资的含义。因此,笔者认为确有必要改进仲裁庭根据《维也纳条约法公约》界定投资的方法。     

论中国-东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制及其完善

中国—东盟自由贸易区始建于2002年《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议》的签署,按照规划将于2010年建成,它是一个包括11个成员国的区域经济一体化组织。本文考察了中国—东盟自由贸易区与其他自由贸易区的法律模式,并对其利弊得失作了恰如其分的比较,在此基础上分析了以2005年生效的《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议争端解决机制协议》为基础的中国—东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的优点和存在的缺陷,探究了欧盟和北美自由贸易区的争端解决机制,提炼出可供借鉴的合理成分和可取之处,在总结归纳的同时,提出了完善和改进中国—东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的具体建议和设想。     

我国体育协会章程与体育纠纷解决方式的研究--以足球协会章程研究为中心

体育纠纷呈爆炸式地增加,研究体育纠纷的解决方式成为必要.体育协会章程在纠纷解决中起着重要的作用,研究我国足球协会章程中体育纠纷解决机制具有代表性.通过研究发现协会章程中有关纠纷解决机制存在的问题,建议统一体育协会章程对纠纷解决机制的规定 ,明晰、简化内部纠纷解决机构的设置,强调作出的处罚具有独立性和权威性,并在章程中规定在内部纠纷解决方式使用穷尽时,可以选择仲裁和诉讼.     

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the context of South Caucasus regional security issues: An Armenian perspective†

For more than a quarter-century, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been one of the most important factors influencing the political map of the South Caucasus. On 12 May 1994, Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia, and Azerbaijan signed a cease-fire agreement that ended military operations in the conflict zone and has been observed until recently. Negotiations for a peaceful settlement have been underway within the framework of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Minsk Group co-chaired by the USA, Russia, and France since 1992, but society and the elite in Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan remain largely unprepared for compromise. Considering the settlement process a zero-sum game, they have generally accused one another of escalating the conflict and of a lack of willingness to restore peace. Other countries and international organizations involved in the negotiations do not share a vision of the future and frequently pursue their own interests. Accordingly, the Karabakh conflict could remain unresolved for decades more. The aim of the paper is a general assessment of the current stage and dynamic of this conflict and the impact of new trends and old obstacles on the prospects for further settlement.     

A political settlements lens onto Egypt’s critical junctures and cyclic violence (2011–2014)

Abstract

While there is a copious body of literature explaining Egypt’s political trajectory post-Mubarak through the lens of democratisation and transition theory, this paper argues that by using a political settlements lens, a less linear reading of the events can be offered, which highlights several attempts through both peaceful and violent means of arriving at negotiated agreements. The paper analyses the forging of three political settlements, one informal (2011) and two formal (2012, 2013) following the demise of the Mubarak regime in Egypt and the influence of intrinsic, instrumental and resultant violence on power configurations. It argues that the formal political settlement forged in Egypt in 2013 following the ousting of President Morsi cannot be read independently of the exclusionary outcomes of the informal political settlement forged in 2011 and the demise of the Fairmont Agreement of 2012. The paper relies on empirical data, including survey and focus groups undertaken in 2013–2014, complemented with secondary literature in Arabic and English.     

Mobility in pastoral societies of Northern Mali: Perspectives on social and political rationales

Since the 1980s, the so-called “nomadic” populations in the regions of Northern Mali and Niger have embarked on an extensive process of settlement. Today they mostly live in villages or “settlement sites”. But, at the same time, individuals and small groups among these same populations have considerably enlarged their area of mobility and accelerated the rate and the value of the trade in which they engage. These two phenomena could, at first sight, appear contradictory. But the observation of empirical situations shows, rather, compatibilities, similarities even, between these two concomitant phenomena. Building on innovative debates conducted in geography and sociology, this article puts forward the hypothesis that the building of villages, as well as integration into military bases and barracks, proceeds from (social) rationales of mobility, just as much as transhumance, journeys, migration. Much more than a simple displacement in space, the notion of mobility could describe an “art of doing”, a way of being to others and to the world.