17个Y-STR基因座遗传结构及用于姓氏推断的价值

目的调查我国10个姓氏群体Y-STR的遗传结构,探讨其用于鉴定的价值。方法采用AB Y-Filer荧光检测试剂盒,选取我国占人口数量最多的10个姓氏(李、王、张、刘、陈、杨、赵、黄、周、吴),每个姓氏100名汉族男性个体,采用Y-Filer荧光检测试剂盒,检测17个Y-STR基因座的等位基因频率分布和单倍型多样性,计算其遗传距离并比较群体间差异。结果 10个姓氏间单倍型多样性与总的群体单倍型多样性无显著差异,姓氏间与姓氏内的单倍型随机匹配概率差异很小。分析共祖系数Fst以及Reynold’s遗传距离,10个姓氏间任意两个姓氏群体对应17个Y-STR的Fst值均小于0.01。结论中国汉族10个主要姓氏在大的范围内Y-STR不表现出姓氏特异性,不能用Y-STR进行姓氏推断。     

Cultural Policy in Denmark

ABSTRACT

Do cultural producers know each other? Do their relations influence the cultural field? This article analyzes the impact of the social structure on the art festivals' field in Piedmont, Italy. Cultural production is described through the perspective of the relations among the producers. Festivals' organizations observe each other, exchange information and artists, co-produce events, and share performing spaces. These actions generate relations that constitute the field. Analytical tools from social network analysis and QAP regression for network data are applied to describe the field through the relational perspective and assess the impact of the social structure on the cultural system.     

近年日本转变经济发展方式新进展

近年日本高度重视转变经济发展方式.尤其是在2011年3月11日东日本遭遇到9级震灾、海啸、核危机的冲击,严重考验了国民经济的情况下,日本在转变经济发展方式上又有新进展.文章在简介日本转变经济发展方式现状的基础上,对其突出特点、重要举措及背景分析等问题进行探讨.当前,在中国加快转变经济发展方式的关键时期,深入研究日本在这方面的经验及做法有重要的现实意义.     

转变经济发展方式是我国的战略抉择

转变经济发展方式是我国经济发展的战略抉择。经济发展方式的转变必须坚持科学发展观,遵循自主创新,优化结构,处理好政府与市场的关系以及提高劳动者素质等科学发展途径,实现我国经济持续健康发展,让广大人民群众共享改革发展的硕果,彰显中国特色社会主义的强大生机活力。     

集体主导型双轨治理:城中村治理的实践路径——基于武汉市一个城中村的实践调查

城中村在从“村”向“城”转型的过程中形成了集体主导型双轨治理。城中村社会转型与治理需求复杂化是集体主导型双轨治理产生的前提与基础。在原有集体土地产权性质没有发生根本改变的情况下,通过治理结构双轨化、治理策略弹性化与治理资源多样化运作,城中村治理呈现如下格局:集体主导的村治结构与社区治理结构并存;综合性治理与专业化治理互动;正式治理资源与非正式治理资源互补。这种集体主导型双轨治理本质上是城乡两种治理要素、治理思维和治理机制的结合与互动,对于避免基层治理体制僵化、缓解转型期社会矛盾、维护基层社会秩序稳定具有重要意义。应辩证看待城乡二元结构在我国城市化进程中的作用,充分发挥其在城中村治理中独特的体制资源优势。     

Modeling alliance membership in a three‐dimensional space

Both Altfeld (1984) and Morrow (1991) offer theoretical foundations that explain why alliances form. Security concerns and autonomy desires are the driving force for the pursuit of allies. While this response explains why states become allies, it does not address which do. To explain with which potential allies states choose to share alliance membership, I construct a three‐dimensional space in which security, autonomy, and political system structure are each represented as one of the three dimensions of ally choice. Every state that shared alliance membership with any other given state from 1946–1992, on a yearly basis, is assigned a unique, tri‐component point in the three‐dimensional space. The distances in the space between each state and all other states’ tri‐component points are calculated, and this distance is then incorporated into a probit estimation of ally choice. By examining the role that security and autonomy trade‐offs and level of political system structure similarity play in determining ally choice, I conclude that two states are more likely to share alliance membership the more symmetrical they are in security and autonomy considerations and the more similar they are in political system structure.     

A Structural Analysis of International Conflict: From a Communication Perspective

The study describes the structure of international conflict with the tools of network analysis to enhance the understanding of multilateral conflict-communication relations and to predict the conflict structure with existing international relations theories (liberal and realist) plus global communication variables. Using data obtained from the Correlates of War Project (http://cow2.la.psu.edu/), the structure of international conflict is described for the period 1993–2001 for 145 nations. The results indicate that this network is very sparse; 42 nations had no conflict, and 36 only one bilateral disagreement. The network is centered about former Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), Russia, the United States, Iraq, and China. Most conflicts are regional. The paper also evaluates both the liberal, expanded liberal (with communication variables included), and realist (including Huntington's Clash of Civilizations Theory) perspectives as predictors of conflict. The results indicate that communication variables substantially enhance explanatory power of a predictive model, but the effects of the communication variables are inconsistent. A multiple regression model including history of colonialism and prior conflict, physical proximity and contiguity, whether or not a nation is a democracy, and the communication variables—international telecommunication, freight, and exports—accounted for 30.0% of the variance in the structure of international conflict and each variable was significantly related to conflict. The need for further research is discussed.     

权力格局失衡与心理调适——中国东盟关系中的信任问题

2009年以来,尽管中国东盟自贸区成功建成,双方的经济相互依赖达到前所未有的高度,但是中国与东盟仍然经历了严重的信任危机。通过对中国东盟长达20年的信任关系建构历程进行回顾,文章试图回答哪些因素影响着中国东盟信任关系的建构这一理论问题。在对现有理论要素进行折中主义整合并且补充之后,文章从权力格局失衡以及东盟国家心理调适需要的角度重新看待中国与东盟20年来信任关系建构的互动进程,并对当前中国外交应对周边小国信任危机提出政策建议。     

基于熵理论的我国对外直接投资和经济演化方向关系研究

本文运用熵和耗散结构理论来研究对外直接投资和我国经济发展之间的关系,通过建立两者之间的灰关联熵模型,实证分析了2003—2010年之间对外直接投资对我国经济发展演化方向的影响。结果表明：2006年前对外直接投资并不能有效促进国内经济向良性方向发展;而从2007年开始,对外直接投资均为我国带来了负熵流,促进了国内经济的发展。这一现象出现的可能原因是,我国企业早期仅仅基于政策驱动,盲目进行对外直接投资,而实际操作并不成熟、缺乏经验。所以,只有同时兼顾投资的数量和质量,才能使得对外直接投资为我国带来持续的负熵流,不断促进国内经济的发展。     

主诉检察官制度研究

主诉检察官制度 (下称主诉制度 )自推出至今仍然存在理论上的困惑和操作上的难度 ,可以说当前最需要的是对这一制度的基本理论问题作冷静分析及对一些改革举措作理性反思。文章从解决主诉制度的理论分歧着手 ,结合国外的检察制度 ,阐述该制度的理论基点的定位及合理化建构 ,以完善我国的主诉制度