Emerging powers,soft power,and future of regional cooperation in South Asia

This article looks into the future of regional cooperation in South Asia in the light of two emerging powers: China and India focussing on how their rise would change the relationship in the region. The paper argues that China and India both are trying to enhance their spheres of influence forcing the states in the region to align with either of them in a binary framework of unstable equilibrium and uneasy coexistence rather than reinforcing the regional solidarity of SAARC. Such a competition between China and India and the putative interventionary efforts of Western powers and their agencies in the region are bound to bring implications of profound value for not just regional cooperation but for the individual destinies of the various states involved in the days ahead.     

Reforming the World Health Organization: what influence do the BRICS wield?

The World Health Organization (WHO) is currently undergoing fundamental reform that is intended to impact its programmes and priority setting and its financial and governing structures. Within the reform debates, new relations of powers are emerging among traditional donors and emerging economies such as the ‘BRICS’: Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. These five emerging economies have formally committed ‘to strengthen and legitimise the WHO as the coordinating authority in global health’ through the principle of multilateralism. In this paper, the results of a qualitative study – based on 21 key informant interviews – that seeks to better understand BRICS’ engagement in this organisation and the extent to which their action enables these countries to influence the reform process were presented. The results show that individual BRICS countries found natural pairings with each other on both particular elements of the reform, notably governance and WHO financing, and specific health issues. While numerous examples of individual BRICS countries seeking to raise the profile of specific health issues were found, some evidence of a coordinated effort to influence reform as a bloc was also found. Although this was largely limited to rhetorical announcements of support in formal Declarations and Communiqués, it nevertheless articulates a vision of the WHO as an organisation with a broad mandate delivered with sufficient, predictable funding.     

新时代下我国各地区对劳动力的吸引力问题研究

新时代下我国劳动力转移环境发生了显著变化,人们对劳动力的认识、劳动力供需状况及不同地区对劳动力的态度等都与之前有很大不同。在这种情况下,本文认为影响劳动力迁移的因素主要包括地区经济发展实力、公共资源聚集能力和未来发展潜力等三个。在此基础上,本文建立了一个二级指标体系,以此为基准,对各个省级区域对劳动力的吸引力问题进行了研究。结果发现,整体而言,北京、上海、天津等直辖市和浙江、江苏等主要经济发达省份依然位列吸引力最强省份的行列,而大多数中西部地区吸引力依然不足。     

Market Demand for Civic Affairs News

This paper uses time series methods to test the relationship between civic affairs content and audience share for the ABC, CBS, and NBC evening news in the mid-1990s. Because these programs competed in the same market, but varied the amount of their civic affairs coverage, they present an excellent opportunity to analyze this relationship. The study uses hand-coded news abstracts and O.J. Simpson murder trial coverage as separate measures of news content. The study finds that lower levels of civic affairs content and higher levels of O.J. news are associated with greater audience share.     

The threat of autocracy diffusion in consolidated democracies? The case of China,Singapore and Australia

The majority of today’s authoritarian regimes have little hope of promoting autocracy beyond their own borders, let alone to consolidated democratic countries. However, China and Singapore are two prominent examples of non-democratic countries whose soft power arsenals have given them some global appeal beyond that enjoyed by most authoritarian regimes. But to what extent has China’s and Singapore’s power of example influenced consolidated democracies in terms that the latter wanting to replicate some political practices or even norms in these non-democratic regimes? In this article, we engage recent works to examine this question in relation to how Australians perceive the political example offered by China and Singapore. Focusing our analysis on several prominent polls conducted recently by the Lowy Institute for International Policy, we suggest that at present there is little evidence of a causal impact of the rise of authoritarian powerhouses such as China and Singapore on how Australians view democracy at home. Through these case studies, this article sheds some light on the theoretical as well as practical questions about the inherent impediments of authoritarian diffusion in consolidated democracies.     

文本·结构·功能——软法之于欧盟宪政的地位描述与作用分析

在欧盟宪政发展进程中，在硬法发挥作用的同时，欧盟软法所占据的地位与所发挥的作用也同样值得重视与研究。在文本意义上，欧盟软法在欧盟宪法性条约中占有很大的比重，在结构意义上，欧盟软法成为了欧盟治理结构发展、变化的一个重要机制，在功能意义上，欧盟软法成为了欧盟法律秩序形成的先导性力量。     

"软法"及其概念之证成——以公共治理为背景

"软法"是缺乏"国家法"的拘束力,但却意图产生一定的规范效果的成文规范.复杂、多元和速变的当代社会,要求政府转变角色:从"管制的主导者"走向"公共治理的辅助者"."软法"是公共治理的主要凭借."软法"概念是可以成立的:一方面,卢曼的系统论可以为它提供理论基础;另一方面,它也可以被看成是"国家法"概念的类比用法.     

文化贸易与文化认同

文化产品是文化认同的载体,文化认同是文化产品得以存在的先决条件。文化贸易,其实质是不同民族和国家之间文化认同的达成与接受,文化贸易的出超和逆超背后是文化认同资源的争夺。在全球化背景下,实现文化贸易平衡的出路在于主动参与国际间的文化竞争,由被动的参与者逐渐成为贸易规则的制定者,改变不利的贸易条件,从而有效地捍卫自己的文化权益。     

国际政治的变迁与软权力理论

软权力理论是约瑟夫·奈从自由主义角度对权力这一国际政治中的核心概念所做的诠释,引起了各界的广泛关注。本文在提出软权力理论赖以产生的现实和理论背景的基础上,对奈的软权力理论的进行梳理,以澄清奈的软权力概念的确切内涵,并对该理论作出评价,为进一步发展和完善软权力理论提供思路。     

让警察远离亚健康的困扰--论警察健康权益的维护和救济

由于过度劳累、工作环境恶劣、生活没有规律等原因,我国大部分警察处于亚健康状态.让警察远离亚健康的困扰,既是维持警察个体正常生命活动的需要,也是维护国家安全、社会稳定、人民生命财产安全的需要.对警察的健康权益进行维护和救济,必须在优化现有警力资源的同时逐年增加公安干警编制;必须提升民警素质、实现"数字公安",走科技强警之路;必须建立大练兵长效机制,增强民警的身体素质和业务技能,提高队伍的战斗力;必须采取各种措施从优待警.