制作主权：法权会议与近代法学话语实践

1926年召开的法权会议作为北洋政府一次废除领事裁判权、收回法权的外交努力源于华盛顿会议关于中国治外法权的决议。此次会议虽被国人寄予厚望却未能废除领事裁判权,而只是出具了一份描述中国法律及司法状况的报告书。法权会议报告书指陈中国法典不完善、司法不独立等等,庶几反映了当时中国法律的一个面向。最重要的是法权会议彰显了主权观念的勃兴,强化了近代中国为废除领事裁判权而效仿西法、改良法律的论证逻辑。     

借法异域：1874年台湾漂民案中的国际法话语建构

在1874年台湾漂民案中,知识精英和东南督宪借助奏折、照会和报刊等介质,首次在晚清外交中构建起国际法话语圈。论者广泛援引万国公法,形成诸如强调领土不容侵越、属地原则下番地自治、指责日本踞台及索赔、禁止局外对日援助、保护在日华侨、请求国际仲裁之类的观点和建议。公法舆论不仅迎合了清政府“或谕以情理,或示以兵威”的对日交涉策略,而且呼应甚或引导政府决策与军事外交。以天下体系为圭臬,晚清中国对国际法采取选择性采择,内在地削减了由“实效管辖论”所造成的国际公法与天下体系之间的紧张与张力,展现了东西方国际秩序之间的对话与沟通。     

The Responsibility to Protect at Ten: Glass Half Empty or Half Full?

Abstract

Far from having faded away, ten years after its formal adoption, the responsibility to protect (R2P), is arguably more relevant than ever. In the current overall context of protection crises, heightened in severity by the emergence of violent extremists, R2P has changed the way in which the international community characterises situations that involve protection failures, and has raised expectations about what should occur when atrocity crimes have been committed or are imminent. UN member states now agree that prevention is at the core of R2P, that international action should employ the full range of diplomatic, political and humanitarian measures, and that military force should only be considered as a measure of last resort. While there is continued contestation about particular aspects of R2P – as there is over much older normative advancements, such as human rights – R2P has helped to forge political consensus and build new institutional capacity to prevent and respond to atrocity crimes.     

Responsibility to Protect: Russia’s Approaches

Abstract

Russia’s predominantly suspicious and even negative attitudes toward R2P are closely related to its traditional attachment to the notion of sovereignty, but its reluctance to ‘bless’ the use of force with R2P also serves as a pretext to cover various instrumental goals. Russia’s more assertive foreign policy has exacerbated this trend. Disagreements stem from differences between Russia and the West both in their conceptual approaches to security and in their assessments of specific cases. In particular, Russia has an existential concern over possible application of R2P by extra-regional actors in its immediate post-Soviet vicinity. However, in the conflicts around South Ossetia (2008) and Crimea / Southeastern Ukraine (2014-), there was a noticeable trend to refocus R2P-related arguments in support of Russia’s own actions. By and large, R2P continues to be perceived as a Western attempt to establish certain rules of behaviour which require caution and prudence. Nevertheless, more positive attitudes do not seem impossible. To play a prominent role in the evolving international system, Russia will have to make the R2P segment of its foreign policy more salient and overcome the lag in promoting this concept as a working tool indispensable for cooperative and responsible leadership.     

American Indian Tribes: ``Not as Belonging to But as Existing Within'

This article is an extended analysis of the historyand anomalies in the doctrine of American Indiantribal sovereignty. I explain that America gainedindependence, but took Indian land and colonized thetribes just as it had been colonized under theBritish. It asserted sovereignty for itself, butsubordinated the once independent tribes with aparadoxical semi-sovereign status as `dependentdomestic nations', all of this justified by the racialand cultural otherness of Indians. Using a Lacanianperspective, I show that America was founded on a`wound' or inconsistency at the heart of itsideological and constitutional order. In order torectify the inconsistencies that the initial `wound'produces, the law and political order havecontinuously had to adopt fictions (legal and racial). American law and policy has never been able to settlethe ambiguous doctrine of Indian sovereignty. As aresult, the law circles round and round in trying todefine it, and asserting and denying it, all in anunsuccessful attempt to make the constitutional orderwhole. It cannot succeed, however, since the ultimatesolution is an American sovereignty which, like God,admits of no limitation.     

跨国公司对国家经济主权的挑战

随着全球化的发展,跨国公司作为经济全球化的载体,在给世界带来利益的同时越来越具有一定的政治行为,跨国公司控制国家经济,参与国家政治,影响国家文化,对主权国家的经济、政治、文化主权提出了挑战。面对国际大环境中日益激烈的竞争,各国联系越来越密切,跨国公司为了追求利益最大化的目标而向国家经济主权提出挑战,使得无论是东道国经济主权,还是母国经济主权都面临严峻的挑战。挑战有利有弊,跨国公司与民族国家要趋利避害,达成相互依存、相互合作的关系,共同发展。     

全球化背景下对国家主权的再思考

国家主权是国家的构成要素之一 ,是国家固有的和本质的属性。国家主权理论在形成和发展的初期 ,具有较强的绝对性 ,但这种绝对性在经济全球化的今天受到了前所未有的挑战 ,不同国家的学者站在不同的立场上对国家主权原则做出了不同的诠释。作为发展中国家 ,特别是中国 ,应坚持正确的主权观 ,即 :在坚持国家主权神圣不可侵犯的前提下 ,承认国家主权具有一定的相对性 ;在坚持国家主权受到国际条约和国际习惯法约束的同时 ,又要承认其幕后的真正操纵者仍是主权国家本身。总之 ,在经济全球化这一特定的历史环境下 ,作为发展中国家 ,只有坚持正确的国家主权观 ,才能更好的维护国家主权 ,在全球化的进程中真正获益。     

Black and White or Technicolor

This article traces the repression of a signifying elements like color in the art of the late medieval period and coordinates it with the rise of text, sovereignty and legal order in the 16th century. It uses Deleuze’s notions of life and the virtual as a springboard for an analysis of the power of color in Giotto, Fra Angelico, Grunewald, Cranach and Holbein. It traces a trajectory from an art in the late Middle Ages that decodes and escapes judgment through a joyful use of color to a privileging of text (be it biblical or legal), repression of color and its reterritorialization in classical representation, a despotic regime of signs – seen quite literally in the portrait of the imperial and despotic monarch, Henry VIII. This trajectory in art is linked to an analogous movement: the imposition and extension of sovereignty and the legal system as well as the colonization of social life by law in the formative period of the nation state. The challenge is to create a world of technicolor, to actualize the color of living and the living of color. Without it, there is only law, in black and white.

The case of the ‘other India’ and Indian ir scholarship

ir scholarship in India has focused on the borders, territory and sovereignty of the Indian state, overlooking the rich complexity of interior border formation between colonial and independent India. The paper argues that the study of the princely states under the British paramountcy (1858–1947), neglected so far, is valuable to ir scholarship on three grounds. First, in mapping colonial India’s engagement with the outside world, the focus has been solely on British India. The princes were equally participative and perceptive of the outside world. Second, the princely states represent yet another challenge to the Westphalian notion of sovereignty, demonstrating the limited capacity of European categories to understand the ‘non-West’. Third, incorporating the paramountcy system in the genealogy of sovereignty of the Indian subcontinent offers a fresh account of border construction inside the state.     

The Public Administration Reform in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina: A Reform Process Embedded in a Sovereignty Paradox

As the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina has turned its interest towards a European Union membership, it has entered an accession process requiring it, among other things, to reform its public administration system. The European Union's involvement within the reform has been placed under critique, as it has been claimed to have placed Bosnia and Herzegovina's sovereignty at risk by presenting contradicting behaviors leading to a sovereignty paradox. By examining the European Union's role in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and its possible relations to a sovereignty paradox in the process, the article finds sovereignty paradox indicators to exist along its processes.