大陆台商投资地区的空间关联性与影响因素分析

本文利用空M分析方法对台商投资大陆的53个台商超过百家的城市和31个省市自治区进行空间测度表明,台商大陆投资区域具有显著的空间聚集特征。其原凶主要是市场容量、劳动力成本、基础设施和沿海内陆差异等因素所致,台商投资在FDI中有其独特之处。我们认为保持区域经济的持续增长是吸引台商投资大陆的关键;通过政策促进人力资本的积累、引导大陆台资企业转型升级,是消减劳动力工资上升对台商大陆投资负面影响的有效手段;不断完善基础设施建设是改善投资环境、吸引台资的重要途径;拓宽经济区的空间范围,有利于发挥台商投资的空间聚集效应,从而最大限度地吸引台商投资。     

Gang Activity and Overall Levels of Crime: A New Mapping Tool for Defining Areas of Gang Activity Using Police Records

In this note, a new method for defining gang activity areas based uponpolice records is illustrated using the Chicago Police Department's1996 incident files. This method is based upon standard geographictechniques and uses a uniform grid that divides the city into 150-msquares. It is shown that this technique may be useful both in describinggang activity areas and in describing the spatial distribution of crime inlarge cities. A strong relationship is found between the number of gangsthat are active in an area and the general level of criminal activity.     

Do crime hot spots affect housing prices?

ABSTRACT

Our knowledge about what happens to housing values when properties are close to places with high concentrations of crime, often called ‘hot spots’, is limited. Previous research suggests that crime depresses property prices overall, but crime hot spots affect house prices more than crime occurrence does and may affect prices of single-family houses more than prices of flats. Here we employ hedonic price modelling to estimate the impact of crime hot spots on housing sales, controlling for property, neighbourhood and city characteristics in the Stockholm metropolitan region, Sweden. Using a Geographic Information System (GIS), we combine property sales by coordinates into a single database with locations of crime hot spots. The overall effect on house prices of crime (measured as crime rates) is relatively small, but if its impact is measured by distance to a crime hot spot, the effect is non-negligible. By moving a house 1 km further away from a crime hot spot, its value increases by more than SEK 30,000 (about EUR 2,797). Vandalism is the type of crime that most affects prices for both multi- and single-family housing, but that effect decreases with distance from a crime hot spot.     

科技创新对科技人才聚集的影响及其空间溢出效应——基于空间面板Durbin模型的实证研究

基于2000-2017年省际面板数据和空间面板Durbin模型，研究了地区科技创新能力对科技人才聚集的影响及其空间溢出效应。结果表明：地区科技创新能力提升不仅有助于本地区科技人才的聚集，也有利于通过溢出效应促进邻近地区的科技人才聚集；科技创新能力提升对科技人才聚集的影响具有显著的地区差异；科技创新与科技人才聚集均具有空间相关性。因此，应强化科技创新与科技人才聚集的结合，在完善多方联动机制的基础上共建跨区科技人才流动平台，科学构建科技人才自由流动机制，并引导科技人才向科技创新优势和创新特色地区聚集。     

Bordering through domicide: spatializing citizenship in Calais

ABSTRACT

This paper examines domicidal practices against illegalized border crossers in Calais, France as a technology of citizenship and migration governance. It addresses recent calls to include actions and interventions which restrict citizenship in the context of illegalized migration within critical citizenship studies literature. Studying the state violence upholding and spatializing normative citizenship allows for a deeper understanding of citizenship’s implication in the European border regime, and raises questions on the concept’s continued application to theorizations of migrants’ political movements and spatial manifestations. The paper proposes anti-citizen politics as an alternative before arguing that the presence of this politics within the city’s squats and jungles, more than the physical occupations as such, is what the French state seeks to eradicate through acts of domicide. Working from empirical examples, the article describes a ‘carrot-and-stick’ domicide currently at work in Calais where the eviction and destruction of autonomous forms of migrant inhabitance is combined with a simultaneous offer of state managed accommodation. These tactics operate together to drive migrants out of the city of Calais, away from the UK border, and ultimately into a determination of their detain/deport-ability via citizenship’s scrutiny.     

Impact of FDI on Inbound Business Tourism——Empirical Research Based on Spatial Econometrics

This paper studies the spatial distribution features of FDI and Inbound Business Tourism (IBT) in China, as well as the relationship between them using the spatial autocorrelation model and spatial panel econometric model. The research shows that FDI and IBT are consistent in spatial distribution which is in the core-edge mode. Both of FDI and IBT show a positive spatial correlation. LISA charts shows that the two are in the two element distribution structure，forming a “club” gathering model and presents the phenomenon of “inside” convergence. The spatial econometric model estimation shows that the development of IBT in adjacent areas has a strong spillover effect and FDI has positive effect on IBT. IBT grows by 0.3855% with every 1% growth in FDI. The comparative analysis of the three regions shows that the effects of FDI on IBT and geographical spillover effects of IBT are as follows: East＞ Middle＞ West.     

Comparing Agenda Content and Roll-call Behaviour in Regular and Lame-duck Sessions of the House of Representatives, 1879–2010

This paper investigates how agenda content and floor behaviour in the US House of Representatives vary across regular and lame-duck sessions. The presence of departing members created a legislative environment marked by increased ideological and participatory shirking, resulting in higher levels of uncertainty. That uncertainty affected how members devised proposal strategies in the face of more fluid voting patterns in lame-duck sessions. The analysis of a unique data set comprised of roll-call votes on House floor motions with an identifiable sponsor from 1879 to 2010 (the 46th to 111th Congresses) uncovers significant changes in the relative frequencies of particular categories of votes, in the success rates on votes within those categories, as well as in the spatial characteristics of floor motions. These findings underscore how the move to the lame-duck session ushered in a distinct and different legislative environment.     

The Rescaling of the Chinese State and Sino-North Korean Relations: Beyond State-Centrism

While Beijing has repeatedly signed up to multilateral sanctions against North Korea, it is widely regarded as having failed to enforce them. Indeed, China’s deepening economic engagement with the country has led observers to debate the causes of this seemingly duplicitous approach. Constructivist and realist approaches have relied on state-centric frameworks that serve to reduce Sino-North Korean relations to the high politics of Beijing-Pyongyang diplomacy in the context of broader geopolitical dynamics. This article argues that such approaches pay insufficient attention to the profound rescaling of the Chinese state in recent years and the implications this process has for bilateral relations. This article sheds light on how Sino-North Korean relations are being driven by actors at multiple scales and by a multitude of objectives as a result of decentralisation and marketisation alongside increasing geographical unevenness within China and new challenges to continued capital accumulation. North Korea has come to play an increasingly important role in efforts to facilitate economic recovery in the northeastern border regions through serving as spatial fix for Chinese manufacturing capital. These new cross-border flows of capital and labour suggest an emerging pattern of Sino-North Korean relations that is by no means static but in considerable flux.     

Understanding the Relationship Between Relative Group Size and Hate Crime Rates: Linking Methods with Concepts

Abstract

In recent studies, Hipp et al. caution that the selection of the appropriate denominator in computing the rate of intra- and inter-group interactions is consequential for key findings. The present study builds on this work and examines whether adjusting for the structural opportunities for any type of interaction affects the observed relationship between hate crime rates and minority group size. We go beyond prior research by computing distinctive measures of anti-Black hate crime rates across US counties circa 2000. Our findings offer support for the power-differential hypothesis, revealing a negative effect of minority population size on crime motivated by bias. These results also underline the importance of the procedure developed by Hipp et al., showing that that the selection of the “baseline” for the computation of hate crime rates is critical for understanding the relationship between minority group size and crime motivated by bias.