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201.
我国已进入深化改革开放、转变经济发展方式的关键时期,面临的发展机遇和风险挑战前所未有,影响国家安全、社会稳定的不确定因素明显增多,公安机关维护国家安全和社会稳定的压力不断增加。基层公安局长的岗位有自身的特点,新时期、新阶段基层公安局长应当具备良好的政治素质,具备准确把握形势、指挥侦查破案、处置突发事件、指导依法行政、创新警务机制、抓好班子团结和队伍管理等方面的能力,并把不断学习新知识作为提升自身素质与能力的重要保障。  相似文献   
202.
中国共产党的辉煌历史是中华民族极其宝贵的精神财富,是推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业和党的建设新的伟大工程的重力量源泉。在世情、国情、党情发生深刻变化的情况下,加强党史教育,用党的伟大成就激励人,成功经验启迪人,历史教训警示人,使广大党员干部以史为鉴,继往开来,是摆在我们面前亟待研究解决的紧迫问题。把党史纳入干部教育培训的必修课,从历史中总结经验,汲取教训,提高领导水平和执政能力,是推进全面建成小康社会的有力举措。  相似文献   
203.
The Havana Peace Accords of 2016 sought to end five decades of internal conflict in Colombia. As well as disarming the FARC, they promise to bring state institutions to abandoned regions and enable citizen participation. However, there is an obstacle to this which has consistently been overlooked by Juan Manuel Santos' government: a chronic distrust in the state dating back to colonialism. This article draws on ethnographic research with the Colombian government's ‘peace pedagogy’ team, tasked innovatively with educating citizens about the Havana Accords and incorporating them in the co-production of peace. It shows that citizens' learning about state policies, and reception of state efforts to shape that learning, are filtered through pre-existing perceptions of the state: in Colombia, interpretative frameworks of distrust. This ethnography illuminates state–society relations in the Colombian peace process, offering implications for ongoing implementation of the Accords, and posing questions for other countries in transition, arguing that historically-constituted perceptions of the state should be taken into account when communicating government policies to society.  相似文献   
204.
目的分析稳态条件(例如,无制动)下国内车辆EDR碰前车速的可信度,为EDR碰前车速的应用提供参考。方法在国外研究结论的基础上,选取国内1起既有EDR数据又有监控视频的实际案例,利用监控视频计算所得车速为参考值,分析事故车辆稳态行驶时EDR车速的可信度,并结合EDR车速的来源对其进一步分析。结果根据国外文献研究结果可知,车辆稳态行驶时EDR车速的相对误差在±4%以内。通过国内1起实例的分析,显示稳态行驶车速为120 km/h,EDR记录的碰前车速相对误差为3.886%。结论结合EDR车速来源的分析表明,稳态条件下,国内车辆EDR记录的碰前车速同样具有很好的可信度,可有效应用到相关的车速重建中。  相似文献   
205.
Will the British welfare state revert to an Americanisation trajectory or retain features of the European model after April 2019? After a period of historically prolonged austerity and substantial working age welfare reform, with the UK facing yet another renegotiation of the social contract in a post‐Brexit world, the question of whether there remains space for an alternative to the ‘American’ model is of crucial importance. We argue that there has been a blurring of differences across the American and European welfare states in terms of working age benefits, as most countries have adopted aspects of work‐based conditionality reforms, which attach the receipt of benefits to the active pursuit of work and, to varying extents, the underlying politics of US welfare reform, where there are large coalitions supportive of more punitive policies towards low‐income adults and minorities. These trends are taking place against the backdrop of a second major shift: increasing restrictions on benefits for immigrants. This double narrowing of the welfare state, making benefits conditional for citizens and excluding those who are not citizens, seemingly sets the agenda for a more restrictive post‐Brexit welfare state. The experience of the last two decades suggests, however, that the adoption of the American model has not been wholesale; steering a middle path between punitive conditional American benefits and more traditionally generous universal benefits is on the agenda across advanced welfare states.  相似文献   
206.
Andreas Ufen 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):558-563
ABSTRACT

The three articles in this themed collection investigate the interplay between political finance regimes and the quality of democracy in Southeast Asia. Andreas Ufen's piece on political finance in Malaysia and Singapore argues that the semi-authoritarian regimes in both states have blocked the reform of campaign and party funding regulations in order to keep their opposition in check. The article on Indonesia, authored by Marcus Mietzner, showcases the country's dysfunctional political finance system as a major hurdle toward further democratization. In their contribution on Thailand, Napisa Waitoolkiat and Paul Chambers show that weak political finance regulations have contributed significantly to the shallowness of Thai parties. Overall, the collection demonstrates that without meaningful political finance reforms, Southeast Asia's democratic stagnation is likely to persist for many years to come.  相似文献   
207.
随着经济全球化,有西方国家提出了“法律全球化”。然而“法律全球化”是既不合理,又不现实的幻想,对主权国家更是提出了挑战。我国加入了世界贸易组织,“法律全球化”也成为我国法学界日益关注的热点问题。本文对法律全球化的基本问题进行了分析探讨。  相似文献   
208.
The call for court reform remains critical in the face of the growing complexity of burgeoning family law cases nationwide. Many states have restructured their court systems using the unified family court model, resolving legal, personal, emotional, and social disputes with the aim of improving the well‐being of families and children. Other states utilize the traditional approach, resulting in cases being handled in a fragmented, time‐consuming and expensive manner. In this article, Professor Barbara A. Babb presents the results of her nationwide survey regarding how each state handles family law matters. The survey is a follow‐up to her comprehensive 1998 survey and her 2002 survey update. The results of the recent analysis reveal that a total of thirty‐eight states now have either statewide family courts, family courts in selected areas of the state, or pilot or planned family courts, representing seventy‐five percent of states. The number of states without a specialized or separate system to handle family law matters has decreased from seventeen states in 1998 to thirteen in 2006. These changes are significant when one considers the complexities involved in court reform. The need for court reform remains an urgent one, as family law cases occupy a significant percentage of court dockets across the country. Families and children deserve a court system where justice is effective and efficient and where their legal, personal, emotional, and social needs are resolved in a therapeutic and holistic manner.  相似文献   
209.
中国共产党自成立起就有着鲜明的政治现代化导向,并一直在为实现中国社会的政治现代化进行着理论探索和实践活动。作为中国政治现代化的领导者,中国共产党只有不断加强执政能力建设,才能适应政治现代化的要求,并推进中国政治现代化的进程。与时俱进,实现党的政治现代化是顺应时代的历史要求,是执政党执政能力建设的根本问题;政治现代化的首要问题是政策现代化,需要有干部队伍和思想理论现代化的有效支持;执政体制改革是党的政治现代化建设的关键,它须以党的组织制度的民主建设为前提。  相似文献   
210.
论村民自治权运行中的权力制约问题   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
村民自治权具有权利、权力双重属性。作为权利,村民自治权很容易受到国家行政权的限制、干涉或侵害,这就要求限制行政权在自治领域的效力,削减行政强权对自治权的压制;作为权力,村民自治权很可能侵害村民个体权益,甚至造成多数人对少数人的暴政,这要求国家立法权和司法权适度介入自治领域,防止自治权的滥用与无度。因此,必须合理划分和界定国家权力与村民自治权之间的比例关系,通过立法权和司法权介入自治权的运行过程,实现对国家行政权力和村民自治权力的制约,以维护和保障村民权益,使国家权力、村民自治权、个体权利在村民自治权运行过程中达致平衡与和谐。  相似文献   
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