有害废物越境转移对传统国家责任的挑战

保护环境、防止污染的跨界损害已成为国际社会的共同利益和共同责任。为有效防止有害废物的越境转移 ,须对传统的国家责任进行重新界定 ,在“相对主权原则”基础上 ,通过导入严格责任、补充国家赔偿责任、确立国家责任承担主体、承担附随义务等途径 ,以弥补传统理论的局限 ,适应环境保护及国际法发展的趋势     

先富·共富·以德治国

先富、后富是有中国特色的不同步富裕战略。共同富裕是社会主义的价值目标之一 ,一部分人先富起来之后 ,则要求先富带动后富。由于缺少法理基础 ,先富者带动后富的行为无法用法律去规范 ,但可以用道德方式来促进。以德治国方略就适应了这一需要。     

国家环境保护义务的溯源与展开

"因雾霾状告环保局第一案"暴露出环境保护领域法律判断与社会认同的矛盾,需要对政府环境保护职责之根源——国家环境保护义务问题予以理论回应。国家环境保护义务的证立,不能简单根据保障基本权利之国家义务体系进行演绎推理,而应从国家任务的现实需要出发进行归纳推理。环境基本国策是国家环境保护义务的宪法规范形态,是对所有国家权力构成约束的"国家目标条款"。国家环境保护义务在内涵上包括:现状保持义务、危险防御义务、风险预防义务。"立法+行政"是我国实现国家环境保护义务的基本路径。现行宪法第26条和第9条第2款共同表述了环境基本国策,并具有"国家目标条款"的规范效力。现阶段我国环境保护领域的国家任务,应围绕新修订的环境保护法的规定,从现状保持、危险防御、风险预防三个方面展开,共同推进国家环境保护义务的实现。     

The ROC: The Church as a Symbol of Desired Wholeness

While in 1989 Orthodox Christianity signified—even for nonbelievers!—individuality, law, and freedom, today it signifies adherence to the majority, passivity, and state power.     

独立公投、国家主权与国际法——理论基础及全球实践视角下独立公投的国际法检视

独立公投作为民族自决原则的重要实践方式,在国家理论与国内法、国家主权与国际法、实践效果与时代需要等三个方面都有其充分的合法性及理论基础。考察国际法维度上的独立公投全球实践,分析62个国家或地区进行的87次独立公投,它们在公投时间、公投法律依据、公投结果、国际社会承认、公投国家或地区四个方面,呈现诸多特点。通过对独立公投机制的国际法理论检视,可以得出结论:独立公投的国际法基础应是原主权所有者的同意或违法阻却;民族自决原则下独立公投的行使主体应不限于"民族";独立公投的适用对象不应包括主权归属存在争议之领土;国际社会应当促进独立公投从国际法进入国内法成为一项公民权利。     

分裂国家罪的罪状、行为类型与罪数形态

分裂国家罪案件的司法审判围绕着对该罪罪状的解释、个案中的行为定性、数个行为间的罪数形态认定展开。鉴于司法实践中分裂国家的行为表现极为复杂,组织、策划与实施行为之间的罪数形态认定陷于困境,在对个案行为表现进行充分评价且避免重复评价的前提下,可选择的制度性解决途径有两种:其一,主依手段,慎依目的定罪;其二,将组织行为单独定罪。     

干预主义的国家介入父母子女关系理论之探讨

在国家与父母子女关系的问题上,西方法学主要形成了放任主义的非介入理论和干预主义的介入理论。干预主义的介入理论主张国家有积极保障并维护个人权益的职责,应当对家庭生活进行必要的控制和规范。其基本前提是对家庭正义问题的考量,是对根植于家庭理想中的父母自治传统的批判和重新反思。其强调政府公共权力介入父母子女关系的合法性和必要性,在对国家的介入行为上奉行儿童最大利益原则。     

Let's Agree to Agree: Regional Interest Representation in the Negotiations for the 2007–13 and 2014–20 Structural Funds in Germany

The negotiating powers of regional authorities in the European Union (EU) have become more evident, especially with decentralization and regionalization happening across Europe. This empirical case study of regional interest representation offers a comparative analysis of the negotiations for the 2007–13 and 2014–20 EU Structural Funds. Based on qualitative interviews with German subnational officials, this paper explores how the German federal states (Länder) represented their interests at the federal and supranational level. It will be shown that the modes of interest representation changed which can largely be attributed to social learning. This article contributes to existing literature by illustrating the move towards co-operative interest representation with intra-state subnational mobilization.     

论我国公民权利与国家权力的关系及完善途径

公民权利和国家权力作为两个相互紧密联系的基本范畴,是法制国家和和谐社会必须重视并处理好的关键问题之一。面对现有的国家权力与公民权利之间的关系及社会协调运行机制中存在的一些问题,应在保障和实现公民权利、限制国家权力的同时,使国家权力与公民权利能够协调一致,共同向前发展,进而实现和谐社会的构建。     

The politics of state capitalism in a post-liberal international order: the case of Turkey

Abstract

This article discusses the transformation of the liberal international order, with reference to the ways in which global shifts affect the developmental paradigms among the emerging middle powers. Although it is rarely contested that the liberal order is being severely tested, the dynamics and potential consequences of this transformation are a matter of intense controversy. Also, the debate mainly focuses on great power politics, without paying adequate attention to the ways in which middle powers are influenced by and inform the transition to a post-liberal international order. By focusing on the case of Turkey, this article addresses whether non-Western great powers (Russia and China in particular) are leading the emergence of alternative order(s), and if so, through what mechanisms. Based on the reciprocal interactions between ideas, material capabilities and institutions, I argue that the preferences of the Turkish ruling elite seem to be gradually shifting from a Western-oriented liberal model towards a variety of ‘state capitalism’ as an alternative developmental paradigm in a post-liberal international order.