农民工实现身份转变对策研究——以桂林地区为例

农村劳动办转移已经进入一个新的历史阶段,实现农民工的身份转变,已成为加速实现城镇化、工业化、农业产业化以及全面推进我国社会主义新农村和全面小康社会建设的重要课题和当务之急。     

巴基斯坦内政变化与外交调整

巴基斯坦独立以来,国内政治危机不断。穆沙拉夫执掌巴基斯坦政权后,采取种种举措,抓住有利的国际机遇,应对多变的国内外局势,使巴基斯坦国内政治和外交环境有了很大的改观,但是还存在着不少矛盾与问题。总的说来,巴基斯坦国内政治与外交环境正在逐渐适应时势的变化,在向和平与发展的道路上迈进。     

The politics of history and historical memory in China-Japan relations

The current state of China-Japan relations is characterized by two seemingly contradictory developments adjacent to each other: while economic and cultural relations have experienced an unprecedented and continuous improvement since the 1980s, Chinese and Japanese public perceptions of each other have been deteriorating. This raises interesting questions. How do we explain this discrepancy and what are the sources of the increasing public animosity in China or Japan toward the other country? Can China and Japan maintain amicable relations and continue economic cooperation in spite of the enduring mistrust between their peoples? What is the role of public perception and memory of history in the foreign policies of East Asia? This paper addresses these questions, focusing especially on the last one — the role of history and collective historical memory in international relations and the interaction between public sentiment and government foreign policies. Through a detailed study of recent events and the issue of Japanese textbooks, the author argues that public perception of history can and should be guided toward more positive directions. Otherwise, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain amicable relations between the two countries, especially when new nationalism is on the rise in both counties.     

人类辅助生殖技术的几个法律问题

人工授精、试管婴儿、代孕等人类辅助生殖技术的迅速发展,改变了人们的生育观念,也带来了一系列的法律问题。我国人类辅助生殖技术的立法并不完善,因此,应明确人类辅助生殖技术的生育权主体及人工生育子女的法律地位,以促进人类辅助生殖技术的健康发展。     

论帮助犯罪分子逃避处罚罪之应然主体

对帮助犯罪分子逃避处罚罪主体范围的理解和适用,见仁见智。以罪刑法定为指导对本罪主体进行法条解析：本罪之应然主体以“身份说”为主,兼采“职权说”,皆以负有查禁犯罪的职责为前提。查禁犯罪活动是从调查、发现犯罪人或犯罪事实开始,到立案侦查、审查起诉这一过程的活动。负有查禁犯罪活动职责的各级党委机关中的政法委工作人员,不能成为本罪之主体。     

农民工的弱势地位及改变途径

“农民工”问题是随着我国的改革开放而新出现的一种社会现象。一方面,农民工为城市做出了许多贡献,城市越来越离不开他们的存在;另一方面,他们却没有享受到与贡献对等的权利,任何时候自己都被冠以“农民工”的称呼,处于城市社会的下层地位,属于社会的弱势群体。本文首先考察农民工的弱势地位的表现方面,在此基础上分析了农民工处于弱势地位的多方面原因,最后提出了一些改变农民工的弱势地位的建议和对策。     

我国监事会制度若干问题探析

监事会是现代公司法人治理结构中一重要组成部分。作为公司的法定监督机构 ,监事会具有独立的法律地位 ,保障着公司的规范运作。然而 ,目前我国的监事会制度无论在立法上还是在实践中都暴露出诸多缺陷与不足。因此 ,根据我国经济发展的现状 ,并借鉴国外成功立法经验 ,采取措施完善我国的监事会制度意义重大。     

农民工违法犯罪之角色分析

农民工违法犯罪是由多种社会因素综合作用的结果 ,其身份与角色的错位也是重要因素之一。错位导致农民工游离于社会保障制度之外 ,自身权益无法维护 ;导致农民工的社区归属感淡薄 ;使农民工自我认识与评价偏低 ,自卑心理强烈 ;导致农民在城市生活的封闭 ,成为城市的边缘群体。农民工整体文化素质不高 ,能力偏低 ,认知心理结构水平较低等主观因素影响着其非农职业角色的获得与扮演 ;制度的非公正性 ,政策的不合理性等客观因素也是农民工获得职业角色的障碍。农民工角色获得障碍导致其既要面临自身的生存问题 ,还要承担家庭角色扮演的双重压力。     

Adivasiness as Caste Expression and Land Rights Claim-Making in Central-Eastern India

ABSTRACT

The adivasi population represents a special case in India’s new land wars. Strong individual and community rights to agricultural and forest lands have been enacted for this group based on notions of adivasi identities as primeval, but without linking these to economic and political influence. This article interrogates the adivasi land question seen through a caste lens. It does so via case studies in two states to understand the ways in which adivasi identity can be mobilised for its instrumental value and used to demand land rights. In Andhra Pradesh, the Supreme Court’s Samatha Judgement has prevented virtually all private mining activities. In Jharkhand, however, similar legislation is seen to be trumped by the national Coal Bearing Areas Act, as well as by former and current land acquisition acts that allow industrial land claims to take precedence over identity-based ones. Available evidence indicates the challenges involved in bringing support for land rights that are premised on a supposedly unchanging adivasi identity when these rights go against dominant interests. This circumstance serves to highlight the possibilities present in caste analysis to understand the plight of adivasis, despite their usually distinct treatment in scholarly analyses.     

Big dreams and small steps: comparative perspectives on the social movement struggle for democracy in Serbia and North Macedonia

ABSTRACT

This paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements’ characteristics and capacities to struggle against illiberal tendencies and incite political change in Serbia and North Macedonia. First, we discuss the illiberal elements of political regimes in the countries in question, Serbia and North Macedonia. Then, we provide a comprehensive overview of progressive social movements in the two countries, formed and organized as a response to different authoritarian and non-democratic tendencies. Finally, we point to some differences in their organizing, coalition-forging and issue-defining principles, which, we believe, may help to explain the relative success of social movements in North Macedonia in producing relevant political outcomes, compared to the weak political impact of social movements in Serbia. Empirical data were collected during the summer of 2018 through in-depth interviews with members of social movements in North Macedonia and Serbia.