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181.
Nathalie Tocci 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(3):1-8
The Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign And Security Policy, “Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe”, presented at the European Council on 24 June 2016 by Federica Mogherini, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the Commission, was drafted by Nathalie Tocci, Deputy Director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and co-editor of The International Spectator.
Given the importance of the document, we asked Nathalie for an interview and 18 foreign policy experts from around the world to comment on it. 相似文献
182.
Federica Bicchi 《European Security》2016,25(4):461-477
ABSTRACTThis article shows how the existence of a community of European practitioners in the Jerusalem area gives substance to the European stance on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The often-stated European Union (EU) support for a two-state solution could appear meaningless in the absence of peace negotiations. However, European diplomats (i.e. diplomats of EU member states and EU officials) in the East Jerusalem–Ramallah area are committed to specific practices of political resistance to Israeli occupation and recognition of Palestinian institutions. These practices have led not only to a specific political geography of diplomacy, but also to a community of practice, composed of European diplomats and based on their daily experience of resisting occupation and bestowing recognition. It is this group of officials who represent and actively “do” Europe’s position and under occupation. 相似文献
183.
Olga Semukhina 《Police Practice and Research》2016,17(3):229-248
This study examines the high levels of public unwillingness to assist police in criminal investigations in Russia. Variables of public trust of police, fear of crime, victimization, and prior contact with police are used to explain this phenomenon. Also included in the study are variables of police fear and avoidance of police. The findings suggest that higher levels of distrust in, as well as fear and avoidance of police are strong predictors of citizens’ unwillingness to assist police in Russia. The paper discusses potential implications of these findings for the 2011 police reform in Russia. 相似文献
184.
The article describes the main results of a European project on restorative justice (RJ) called Freedom Wings (FW) and presents a new model to promote RJ in Southern Europe, which was developed from FW findings. The principal mission of the FW project is to disseminate best practices of RJ within a transnational network and to promote community participation in conflict prevention and resolution, in order to support individual and social well-being. This paper presents the main findings of multiagency and professional focus groups exploring restorative approaches and community justice. Observation of experts’ social representation of RJ helped the authors to understand the operation of the justice systems in each country and the attitudes of senior officials towards implementing restorative practices in a way that actively involves the community. The analysis shows the necessity of a cultural change in order to switch from a form of RJ managed by the judicial system to one led by the community. The EU project enabled the research team to theorize a model for promoting a relational and restorative community. 相似文献
185.
战略视野中的企业社会责任 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
汪建新 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2008,1(1):117-122
经济全球化的发展和跨国公司的扩张导致了一系列社会问题,人们对企业社会责任的呼声日益高涨,形成了企业社会责任运动。跨国公司的积极推动又把这一运动向发展中国家扩展并演变成一种隐蔽性较强的贸易壁垒,使中国企业拓展国际市场面临新的挑战。本文旨在通过回顾企业社会责任运动的发展历程,诠释企业社会责任的科学内涵,提出企业实施社会责任的有效途径,剖析企业承担社会责任的战略性收益,来提高中国企业的社会责任意识,积极应对挑战,主动承担社会责任,实现企业与社会双赢,从而提升国际竞争力,促进可持续发展。 相似文献
186.
王旭宽 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2008,1(6):82-88
战略思维是领导干部必须具备的一项重要素质和能力。毛泽东是我们党的历史上善于以世界眼光和战略思维观察、分析、剖断和解决问题的典范。井冈山斗争时期,毛泽东对中国革命道路基本方向的预见就是善于战略思维的杰作之一。因此,学习、借鉴毛泽东,是培养和提高领导干部战略思维能力的一个重要途径。 相似文献
187.
Jin-Tae Hwang 《当代亚洲杂志》2017,47(2):225-246
This study explores the way in which South Korean water policy has been dynamically (re-)constructed by continuing political contestations among diverse social forces acting in and through the state in the face of political and economic liberalisation. The path-dependency of the state-driven water resource policy under the former authoritarian regime did not disappear even after the democratisation. It was difficult to transform the old authoritarian and hierarchical water governance to the newly democratic and environmentally friendly one because the Ministry of Construction, as a main actor in driving water policy under the authoritarian regimes, did not give up its interest in a dam-based policy orientation, although it did partially accept institutional tools for democratic policy making, such as public hearings and the participation of civil society in the process of establishing the water policy plan. It also showed democratic and environment-friendly gestures using the rhetoric of environmentalism and localisation. Overall, this article emphasises the importance of the path-dependency of the past authoritarian regimes under democratised society to better understand the current democratic regime’s policy orientation. 相似文献
188.
Denghua Zhang 《圆桌》2017,106(2):197-206
AbstractForeign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image. 相似文献
189.
Mills Soko 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2017,24(2):137-157
ABSTRACTThe relationship between democratic South Africa and the European Union (EU) has been in existence for over 20 years, with its roots tracing back to anti-apartheid support measures. In its earlier form, it was anchored in the Reconstruction and Development Programme. Currently, it is guided by the National Development Plan of the National Planning Commission. This relationship has been tested over time, especially as a result of negotiations over the Economic Partnership Agreement with the EU. In the meantime, the euphoria that marked new South Africa's participation in the global system, with trade and development cooperation with the EU as one of the cornerstones, has waned considerably. The cancellation of several bilateral investment treaties with EU member states has further strained the relationship. While there are notable successes in the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership, these may not be reflective of the actual strategic value of the partnership in the context of global shifts and the rising influence of emerging powers with which South Africa is integrating. 相似文献
190.
The framework of public decisions, and particularly the provision of law, is seen here as an agency contract. What distinguishes this contract is the nature of the right delegated to the agent: The capacity to make law gives the opportunity to take advantage of the incompleteness of the constitutional contract. The agency relationship may be loosened or even reversed. This article tries to draw some lessons from the English and American history in that matter and applies them to the making of the future European State. 相似文献