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211.
Abstract

This article strives to provide an understanding of salient issues affecting the daily lives of participants from various developing communities in the country, and within the bigger picture, discuss some implications for organisations that affect or are affected by such communities. A key implication is that the process of constant connectivity and dialogue, including dissent, with communities as corporate stakeholders, may be more important in establishing trust and earning accountability, than the outcomes of well-planned corporate social responsibility campaigns. The study is based on qualitative research undertaken between 2006 and 2008 in 35 South African rural and township communities in Limpopo Province, North-West and Gauteng. A bottom-up research approach was proposed by the researchers, which, instead of evaluating the effects of corporate communication campaigns on communities, was to begin at a grassroots level with communities themselves, by exploring top-of-mind issues. From the findings it was apparent that a vicious cycle of extreme and endemic poverty was the focal area that occupied community members’ minds. This study provides a linkage between certain aspects of corporate social responsibility, normative stakeholder theory, strategic communication and stakeholder dialogue, in an attempt to provide organisations with guidelines to evaluate and respond to the challenges of poor communities, and offer a perspective on the way strategic communication with poor communities should take place.  相似文献   
212.
Chinese leaders tend to think strategically about Europe. By following the process of European integration closely in the last decades, they have succeeded in identifying at different historical junctures those European integration initiatives that would serve China’s national security and foreign policy objectives. EU policymakers, instead, appear unable to think strategically about China as EU member states tend to focus on bilateral relations with Beijing, thus undermining Brussels’ capacity to fashion a clear and coherent China policy. There is thus a glaring disparity between Beijing and Brussels when it comes to strategic thinking. With China’s economic and political rebalancing towards Europe underway, there has never been more need for an adequate response from the Union.  相似文献   
213.
东北亚国际秩序的转型与大国的角色定位   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从世界发展趋势看,所谓国际体系的转型期即指目前的国际体系向世界体系转换的过渡期。这一转型期客观地要求各个大国的正确的角色定位,即由以往的霸权模式向主导型大国模式的转换。中国欲成为引领世界发展方向的主导型大国,不仅要从文化深层确立"类本位"意识体系,而且也要建构以"和谐世界"为核心并由正义、公正、合理、民主、共赢、和平为其结构的理念体系。  相似文献   
214.
Despite putting themselves in a thorny relationship with heavy-handed party leaders, some US legislators continue to join moderate coalitions. To understand why, this article derives seven explicit hypotheses concerning electoral, institutional, and strategic dimensions and tests them on two moderate coalitions from the 107th to the 110th Congress (2001–8): the Republican Main Street Partnership and the New Democrat Coalition, along with the Senate's ‘Gang of 14’ during the 109th Congress (2005–6). The article finds that, as expected, a member's ideology and previous affiliation strongly predict who joins these caucuses. What is surprising from the findings is that the constituencies' partisanship does not always predict the legislators' decision to be a moderate caucus member. There is little evidence that more electorally vulnerable members join these caucuses; on the contrary, when it does matter, members from competitive districts appear to stay away from moderate coalitions. Therefore, the findings call into question the prevailing ‘constituency-based’ understanding of moderate coalition membership in a polarised Congress and call for a new examination of electoral connection between moderate members and moderate caucuses.  相似文献   
215.
All but three of the Australian States and Territories have whole‐of‐government, jurisdiction‐wide strategic plans in place and the three exceptions had previously established a state plan in the decade after the first such plans were introduced by Tasmania and Victoria in 2001. Scholarly attention to date has been directed towards discrete aspects of state plans, such as the extent to which they can be seen as exercises in participative democracy or sustainability, rather than with examining state plans for what they explicitly purport to be – strategic plans originating in the core executive of government. We propose that there are three key strategic orientations for Australian state plans: to holistically manage, monitor and market government administration. These orientations may be competing, complementary or overlapping, and can vary over time. The article also proposes that state plans are a significant development in public management and warrant further and more detailed examination.  相似文献   
216.
The present study was carried out to examine the compliance of medium and large-size enterprises in Kayseri, Turkey with strategic management accounting techniques (SMAT) and to determine the effects of SMAT on the perceived performance of businesses. The sub-dimensions of SMAT were specified as cost-oriented, customer-oriented, and competitor-oriented techniques. The effects of SMAT and sub-dimension usages on the perceived performance of businesses were investigated by hypotheses. The data gathered from 202 accounting managers in Kayseri were used to test the hypotheses. Results revealed that the participating businesses had a usage intensity of above average for 16 out of 17 SMAT and they had over 50% compliance with 12 of these techniques. Although SMAT and cost, customer and competitor-oriented sub-dimensions had significantly weak impacts on perceived performance, the positive relationships and effects were found to be sufficient to accept the hypotheses.  相似文献   
217.
许复新 《中国发展》2013,13(4):65-68
“三农”问题是中国经济社会发展中迫切需要解决的重大问题,该文在分析“三农”问题的表现形式及其成因,以及新型城镇化的内涵的基础上,探讨了新型城镇化对解决中国“三农”问题的重要战略意义.  相似文献   
218.
219.
推进经济结构战略性调整,是加快转变经济发展方式的主攻方向。为了完成这项任务,需要深入研究经济结构理论,掌握经济结构演变的规律。我国系统研究经济结构是从上世纪七十年代末八十年代初开始的。研究经济结构既要研究生产关系结构,也要研究生产力结构,要在它们的协调统一中深化对经济结构及其比例关系的认识;我国经济结构不合理是和盲目追求高速度联系在一起的,所以还应深入研究经济增长、经济结构和经济效果三者的关系,应深入探索经济结构合理化的标志和途径。当前推进经济结构战略性调整,应根据提高质量和效益的要求来确定合理的增长速度,应把经济增长、经济结构、经济体制、经济管理、经济效益、社会效益、生态效益统一起来,不断克服经济社会发展中不协调、不平衡、不可持续的突出问题,实现经济社会生态全面协调可持续发展。  相似文献   
220.
The linguistic turn in political science is an important step toward more sophisticated political knowledge. Greater awareness of political language implies attention to words such as reason. Reason is central to modern political discourse because of its historical and cultural importance and because of the contemporary dominance of the rational choice paradigm. Reason the concept therefore justifies closer scrutiny of reason the word. The meaning of reason is constructed as a variable. Standing by itself, reason seems relatively shapeless and empty; dictionary definitions are circular and tautological, although some subtle nuances derive from the network of reason's root words. Most of the variance in the meaning of reason is determined by other words that surround it, with a significant portion of reason's meaning being defined by its context. Anterior meaning shifters, nominal referents, spatiotemporal modifiers, and textual narrative all surround reason and fix it in a large lattice. The meaning of reason in use varies continuously. From this perspective, it becomes clear how reason functions as an important rhetorical trope in political discourse. Its plasticity and flexibility help reason stimulate and evoke variable mental images and responses in different settings and situations, all the more important because these go largely unnoticed. The example of reason of state shows reason's rhetorical power and privilege, its normative dimension, its persuasiveness, and its consequences. Seen in this light, a weak version of reason of state is preferable to a strong one. Pluralistic reason opens new paths for democratic thought and political action.  相似文献   
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