论具体的方法错误的归责

对于具体的方法错误的归责，刑法理论上主要存在具体符合说和法定符合说的对立。犯罪构成计划理论对于方法错误的处理，更倾向于具体符合说的观点。具体符合说的归责理论的缺陷，就在于其忽略了行为所违反的法规范及其保护目的在故意和过失的认定以及结果责任归属判断上的决定性评价意义。反之，法定符合说从规范的角度把握了问题的实质。具体符合说认为具体的方法错误在通常情况下成立想象竞合，这不仅不利于保护刑法法益，也无助于实现刑法公正。     

Ethical and legal consideration of prisoner's hunger strike in Serbia

Hunger strike of prisoners and detainees remains a major human rights and ethical issue for medical professionals. We are reporting on a case of a 48-year-old male sentenced prisoner, intravenous heroin user, who went on a hunger strike and died 15 days later. Throughout the fasting period, the prisoner, who was capable of decision making, refused any medical examination. Autopsy findings were not supporting prolonged starvation, while toxicology revealed benzodiazepines and opiates in blood and urine. Cause of death was given as "heroin intoxication" in keeping with detection of 6-MAM. Legal and ethical issues pertinent to medical examination and treatment of prisoners on hunger strike are explored in accordance with legislation and professional ethical standards in Serbia. A recommendation for the best autopsy practice in deaths following hunger strike has been made.     

中央—地方吏制范式分析与改革趋向

中央—地方吏制主要有三种范式:"地方分权式"、"中央集权式"和"还权于民式",其各有优点与缺点。若实行法治,要求"中央集权式"取代"地方分权式";如果要推行民主,则要求"还权于民式"取代"中央集权式"。或许最佳的中央—地方吏制是普选基础上的地方分权与中央集权的混合。     

罢工权入宪的正当性分析

2008年以来,罢工现象凸显。这就使得立足现实,系统的探讨罢工权是否应该入宪成为一个紧迫的话题。我国宪法对罢工权并无明确规定,但是在现行体制下,不管是从法的角度还是看现实中的处理,罢工权在我国也有一定的正当性的根据。但是,罢工权成为宪法基本权利仍有其特殊意义。在我国罢工权入宪不存在理论上和现实的阻碍和冲突,罢工权入宪不仅正当而且可行。因此,为更好的应对可能越来越多的罢工现象,应当将罢工权写入宪法,以便立法更好的调整其中涉及的各种关系。     

"回到马克思"与"让马克思走入当代"--马克思主义研究目的的解释学思考

从解释学的角度看，研究马克思主义的主体，处于双重的关联之中，一是与文本相关联，二是与自己的生活相关联。从主体与文本的关联来看，研究马克思主义的目的，是要“回到马克思”，即把握文本自身的意义；从研究者与自己生活的关联来看，研究马克思主义的目的，是要“让马克思走入当代”，即用马克思主义来指导自己的生活实践，并用自己的生活实践来检验、发展马克思主义。这双重的关联又发生一种关联，其中“回到马克思”是手段，“让马克思走入当代”是目的，手段与目的之间相互依存，即为了“让马克思走入当代”，必须“回到马克思”，而“回到马克思”，应该是为了“让马克思走入当代”。     

A CONSUMER-WELFARE APPROACH TO NETWORK NEUTRALITY REGULATION OF THE INTERNET

"Network neutrality" is the shorthand for a proposed regimeof economic regulation for the Internet. Because of the trendto deliver traditional telecommunications services, as wellas new forms of content and applications, by Internet protocol(IP), a regime of network neutrality regulation would displaceor subordinate a substantial portion of existing telecommunicationsregulation. If the United States adopts network neutrality regulation,other industrialized nations probably will soon follow. As aresult of their investment to create next-generation broadbandnetworks, network operators have the ability to innovate insidethe network by offering both senders and receivers of informationgreater bandwidth and prioritization of delivery. Network neutralityregulation would, among other things, prevent providers of broadbandInternet access service (such as digital subscriber line (DSL)or cable modem service) from offering a guaranteed, expediteddelivery speed in return for the payment of a fee. The practicaleffect of banning such differential pricing (called "accesstiering" by its critics) would be to prevent the pricing ofaccess to content or applications providers according to priorityof delivery. To the extent that an advertiser of a good or servicewould be willing to contract with a network operator for advertisingspace on the network operator's affiliated content, anotherpractical effect of network neutrality regulation would be toerect a barrier to vertical integration of network operatorsinto advertising-based business models that could supplementor replace revenues earned from their existing usage-based businessmodels. Moreover, by making end-users pay for the full costof broadband access, network neutrality regulation would denybroadband access to the large number of consumers who wouldnot be able to afford, or who would not have a willingness topay for, what would otherwise be less expensive access. Forexample, Google is planning to offer broadband access to end-usersfor free in San Francisco by charging other content providersfor advertising. This product offering is evidently predicatedon the belief that many end-users demand discounted or freebroadband access that is paid for by parties other than themselves.Proponents of network neutrality regulation argue that suchrestrictions on the pricing policies of network operators arenecessary to preserve innovation on the edges of the network,as opposed to innovation within the network. However, recognizingthat network congestion and real-time applications demand somedifferential pricing according to bandwidth or priority, proponentsof network neutrality regulation would allow broadband Internetaccess providers to charge higher prices to end-users (but notcontent or applications providers) who consume more bandwidthor who seek priority delivery of certain traffic. Thus, thedebate over network neutrality is essentially a debate overhow best to finance the construction and maintenance of a broadbandnetwork in a two-sided market in which senders and receivershave additive demand for the delivery of a given piece of information—andhence additive willingness to pay. Well-established tools ofRamsey pricing from regulatory economics can shed light on whethernetwork congestion and recovery of sunk investment in infrastructureare best addressed by charging providers of content and applications,broadband users, or both for expedited delivery. Apart fromthis pricing problem, an analytically simpler component of proposednetwork neutrality regulation would prohibit a network operatorfrom denying its users access to certain websites and Internetapplications, such as voice over Internet protocol (VoIP). Althoughsome instances of blocking of VoIP have been reported, suchconduct is not a serious risk to competition. To address thisconcern, I analyze whether market forces (that is, competitionamong access providers) and existing regulatory structures aresufficient to protect broadband users. I conclude that economicwelfare would be maximized by allowing access providers to differentiateservices vis-à-vis providers of content and applicationsin value-enhancing ways and by relying on existing legal regimesto protect consumers against the exercise of market power, shouldit exist.     

关于转轮手枪规范操作的思考

文章结合笔者赴港进行第六期武力使用教官课程（UFIC）的培训经验,以转轮手枪装、退弹动作,以及单、双动作发射的操作方法为例,建议公安部借鉴香港警方及国外警察的训练经验,结合2005式9毫米转轮手枪自身特点和国内执法环境,规范相关操作方法,从而制定出安全、有效的训练模式。     

近年来长沙市涉外案(事)件的特点、成因及其对策

近年来长沙市涉外(事)案件表现出发案数量逐年攀升、案件类型出现新的变化、涉案人员更加多样、领域性、行业性和涉内性等特点。其主要原因在于境外人员增多,流动性增大;涉案单位和人员法律意识不强;涉外领域法律法规不健全;管理机构不够健全,管理队伍素质不够高;管理不是十分到位,打击防范的力度不够强等。要有效防范和打击处理各类涉外违法犯罪案件,必须完善法律法规,加大宣传力度;加强队伍建设,提高队伍素质;搞好日常管理,提高发现控制能力;加强部门协作,加大打防力度;开展专项行动,重点防范打击。     

反思刑法“严打“方针维护社会长治久安

近20年来,全国范围内统一组织开展了3次"严打"运动,社会上对"严打"方式和效果都有不同看法.文章对此进行了全面的分析,认为国家根据社会治安情况,在一个时期对犯罪采取严厉的打击方针是有理论和实践根据的.但是,"严打"必须是一贯性的方针,而不能是临时性的措施;应当在法治范围内进行,而不应该冲破法律的限制;同时,对刑罚的功能也应当有个客观正确的评价,国家不能过分依赖刑罚治理社会.     

“三队一室”运作模式的警务价值评析

公安派出所工作是公安基层基础建设中最重要的一环。派出所“三队一室”警务模式改革,着力解决长期困扰基层派出所工作运行中的警力难以下沉、机构设置不合理、职能分配不明确、勤务效率不高、防范不到位、打击不及时等突出问题,保证了基层基础工作在“大防范”中基础性、先导性的战略地位,有利于实现统一、高效、完整的现代警务运行机制。