How voters' perceptions of junior coalition partners depend on the prime minister's position

Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left‐right policy agreement based on governing coalition arrangements. This article extends this research to present theoretical and empirical evidence that European citizens update their perceptions of junior coalition partners' left‐right policies to reflect the policies of the prime minister's party, but that citizens do not reciprocally project junior coalition partners' policies onto the prime minister's party. These findings illuminate the simple rules that citizens employ to infer parties' policy positions, broaden understanding of how citizens perceive coalition governance and imply that ‘niche’ parties, whose electoral appeal depends upon maintaining a distinctive policy profile, assume electoral risks when they enter government.     

Territorial Polarization in Brazil's 2014 Presidential Elections

The 2014 presidential elections showed a growing political polarization based on regional differences in Brazil. Against this backdrop, President Dilma Rousseff was re-elected by the slimmest margin ever obtained by a Brazilian president. Rousseff's Workers’ Party (PT) has held the presidency for the past 12 years, gaining widespread support for reducing social inequality and maintaining macroeconomic stability in the country. However, as the latest presidential elections show, this support for the PT and its presidential candidate has eroded. This article argues that as a result of fiercer competition for votes, a more politically polarized discourse was used in the presidential campaign to mobilize voters around Brazil's regional divide between the richer south and the poorer north. In the analysis, the article attempts to elucidate possible causes of territorial patterns of voting in Brazil's 2014 presidential elections.     

Utopia in Crisis? Subaltern Imaginations in Contemporary Bihar

Abstract

The Subaltern Studies Collective inaugurated an important point of departure in Indian historiography and social sciences by demanding that attention be directed to subalterns (a term adapted from Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks) as makers of their own destinies. Their scholarship raises three issues, which are discussed in this article. The first of these relates to the empirical observation about subaltern resistance to elites. The second pertains to the analytical dichotomy between elite and subaltern modes of conducting politics. The third centres on the valorisation of a putatively coherent fragment that seeks autonomy from the totality of the state. The fundamental problem with the perspective advanced by the subaltern studies scholars stems from their implicit assumption that utopian ideals centred on reclaiming dignity and asserting social equality are necessarily derivative of European Enlightenment ideals.     

Battles over boundaries: the politics of territory,identity and authority in three Ugandan regions

In Uganda, contested relations between the central government and sub-national regions have, since independence, shaped state formation and national identity in fundamental ways. Today, the country is characterised by regionally uneven state presence, and distinct sub-national identities and ongoing contestation over territorial demarcations, loci of authority and political identities. This article explores the politics of territory, identity and authority in three Ugandan regions in this context, in order to analyse the implications for exclusion and conflict at the sub-national level. This involves struggles over the territorial and administrative demarcations of and within regions; the loci and scope of authority with regards to these units; struggles over access to land; and the (non-)recognition of various cultural–political identities in these regions.     

The enfranchisement of citizens abroad: variations and explanations

Today, a large majority of states allow at least some of their emigrants to take part in home country elections from abroad. This article first looks at the diffusion of external voting laws and shows that over the past 25 years they have become widely-adopted and are no longer limited to specific professional categories of citizens. Second, the article explains the international diffusion of external voting by discussing the “norm-internationalization hypothesis” and the “electoral-competition hypothesis.” Third, the article attempts to demonstrate that these hypotheses cannot explain why, in a democratic context, states continue to implement a series of hurdles that deter emigrants from using their newly gained rights. Looking at recent developments in Latin America and the Middle East and North Africa, it concludes that the diffusion and variations of external voting laws result from transnational negotiation processes in a context of democratic transformation among various actors whose interests are strongly affected by the inclusion or exclusion of these new voters.     

从古希腊历史看政治观的形成

政治观是社会意识领域里不可或缺的一部分,它的形成经历了一个漫长的历史过程。古希腊的城邦政治是西方政治文明的源头,从古希腊的历史中可以清晰的看出,政治观世界观发展的过程是逐步形成的过程。     

社会主义民主政治建设的新突破--村民自治对中国政治发展的深远影响

村民自治是中国农民对社会主义民主建设的各种各样民主的新形式,是对社会主义民主发展的新贡献。村民自治将重新塑造农村民主政治的主体、改变农村传统的政治文化、辐射城市民主化进程、加速政治体制的进一步改革。     

社会变迁与中国行政诉讼原告资格制度的发展

行政诉讼原告资格制度发展与社会变迁之间存在着内在联系。我国市场经济的不 断发展,民主政治的不断完善,行政法治建设的不断进步,行政法治理论的不断成熟,为行政诉讼 原告资格制度的发展提供了根本动力、政治条件、实践基础及理论前提。21世纪,我国社会的经 济、政治、法制实践和法治理论仍将不断变迁,因此,行政诉讼原告资格制度必将继续向逐步放宽 的世界性标准发展。     

论清末湖南的法学教育

从清朝末年的维新运动时期开始 ,湖南已有中西合璧的近代法学教育。 2 0世纪初 ,湖南的法学教育已经以多种方式进行 ,主要包括以学生为对象的国内学堂教育 ,以官员为对象的课吏馆或仕学馆的培训教育和组织出国留学法律。其中 ,学堂法学教育又从仅作为一般课程教育发展为法学专门学堂教育。清末湖南的法学教育服从于兴学育才、推行新政、挽救清王朝的大目标。结果 ,不但培养了法学人才 ,而且造就了推翻满清封建王朝的生力军。清末湖南的法学教育又为民国初年湖南法学教育的发展奠定了基础。     

关于社会主义政治文明建设与多党合作制度的思考

多党合作制度体现政治文明的本质,多党合作制度和政治文明有着共同的价值取向;多党合作制度是政治文明的优势所在;是与中国共产党通力合作的需要。多党合作制度诠释政治文明的内涵,有着中国特色与创新,在致力于围绕中心、服务大局方面有着突出的特点。