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951.
江泽民的治警思想是在我国建立社会主义市场经济体制、改革开放向全面纵深发展的过程中逐渐形成的。他要求整个公安工作都要“讲政治、讲法制、讲服务”;要求队伍建设要“从严治警,依法治警”:要求公安机关和公安民警在执法活动中必须“严格执法,热情服务”。  相似文献   
952.
艺术终结论者注意到了现代艺术大众化、通俗化的一面,并把它视为艺术衰退的标志,然而,他们忽视了现代艺术的多样性,因而无视艺术繁荣发展的事实而得出了艺术衰亡的结论。艺术终结论者认为,市场经济是艺术衰亡的元凶。其实,艺术终结论的出现更有其哲学基础,艺术终结论者视艺术为实在世界的模仿与影射,并将艺术视为通向解放的真理之途。正是对艺术真理性和教育性的过于强调,导致了"艺术衰亡论"的产生。  相似文献   
953.
This article problematises ‘indigeneity’ by looking at the various disruptions, conflicts and fractures that the recent sale of the land for the construction of the new Cusco international airport in Chinchero, Peru, has triggered locally. In addition to examining the erosion of the peasant community model that emerged from the 1969 agrarian reform, it explores the formation of new social groupings in a context of tourism and neoliberal development. The discussion highlights the role of tourism-related, large-scale infrastructure in the production of new identity politics that challenges fixed and preconceived ideas about ‘the indigenous’ in the Andes.  相似文献   
954.
2006-2015年,以女性政治学为选题的硕士、博士学位论文的数量保持总体增长态势,学位授予院校、研究机构地域分布广泛;学位论文选题丰富、研究方法多样、跨学科性强,但论文质量参差不齐,博士学位论文明显优于硕士学位论文;论文选题焦点相对集中,妇女参政、妇女组织问题备受青睐,而女性主义政治哲学、女性主义政治理论及女性主义国际关系等领域的研究仍不充分。鉴此,需要提高硕士、博士研究生的问题意识、前沿意识和"合一"意识;鼓励和推动青年学子从事女性政治学及相关跨学科研究,提高其研究兴趣与学术水平。  相似文献   
955.
This article examines how possibilities for Muslim expression were and are shaped by the political imaginaries in Soviet-era and independent Uzbekistan. It develops the concept of social ‘imaginary’ in Charles Taylor's critique of Western secular modernity. Political imaginaries are the assumptions about the nature of being, the essential categories through which the world is understood and acted upon, that are produced within dominant state discourses and that shape the space for the political. The article compares the Soviet vision of socialist modernity and the logic of the current state ideology in independent Uzbekistan, and discusses how these have framed the possibilities for being Muslim. It argues that the category of culture is produced in distinct and contrasting ways in these imaginaries, and plays a central role in delineating the public space for Islam.  相似文献   
956.
The international community and the Afghan government tout the expansion of domestic media in post-2001 Afghanistan as an indication of progress. However, much of Afghan media has been appropriated by powerful ex-warlords to expand their influence and maintain their grip on power. Jamiat-e Islami and Hezb-e Islami – former jihadist groups who continue to wield considerable political influence within the country – are fierce rivals currently wielding their affiliated media outlets to wage a propaganda war against each other. Each seeks to justify its own right to power and to delegitimize the opponent – ratcheting up tension in a country whose future after 2014 remains precarious and uncertain. This study examines the media campaign of each group, analyzing the salient narratives in their media messages, the intended audiences of these narratives, and what the narratives tell us about the intents and concerns of each group.  相似文献   
957.
This article will explore local Yucatecan politicking and the Yucatecan–Mexican relationship at the time of independence, using Yucatán's pronunciamiento for independence in September 1821 as a case study. This examination will highlight the fact that, while local ambitions played a significant role in Yucatán's bid for independence, this did not necessarily detract from Yucatecans' attempts to not only engage with national political movements, but also to unite with Mexico. This in turn will take further historians' recent attempts to revise the traditional perception of Yucatán as one of the more pro‐autonomous and isolated states of early nineteenth‐century Mexico.  相似文献   
958.
对“政治建校”的四维解读   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
“政治建校”理念是一个内涵丰富的概念,深入理解这一概念需要从四个方面展开:一是“政治建校”的理论表达;二是“政治建校”制度体现;三是“政治建校”的器物呈现;四是“政治建校”的实践展现.  相似文献   
959.
Staging an open contest is a democratic method to choose a party leader, though its electoral consequences remain unclear. I argue that leadership contests are electorally detrimental to governing parties. Competitive contests signal intraparty policy and/or personality conflict to voters, which damages governing parties’ perceived unity as well as competence in the policy-making process. Thus, leadership contests undermine governing parties’ performances in parliamentary elections. Moreover, since voters evaluate governing parties’ record in office more than their rhetoric, unlike opposition parties, they cannot repair the image of incompetence/disunity by reshaping their rhetoric and/or policy direction. This implies that leadership contests damage governing parties’ electoral prospects more than they do to opposition parties’ electoral performances. Results from statistical testing with original data from 14 countries support my argument. In addition, these results are not endogenous to the contests’ timing; degree of competitiveness; leadership selection rules; whether or not the incumbent retains office; norms of contests; or how predecessors left office. These findings underscore the need to investigate the relationship between intraparty dynamics and election outcomes.  相似文献   
960.
Proposals to legalise same‐sex marriage have provoked one of the most high‐profile and controversial political debates in recent years. The plans, being introduced by the governments at Westminster and Holyrood, have divided political and public opinion and have attracted widespread opposition from religious groups. However, while religious attitudes to homosexuality are shaped by theological concerns, religious justifications have been largely absent from the case against same‐sex marriage. Instead, religious groups have presented their arguments in secular terms centred on tradition, social utility, democratic values and the threat to religious rights and freedoms. This particular framing of the issue reflects processes of secularisation, a growing use of identity politics and the composition of religious groups themselves.  相似文献   
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