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991.
马克思和恩格斯奠定了马克思主义政治文明理论的基础。列宁领导的十月革命和毛泽东领导的中国革命的胜利为建设新型文明创造了前提条件,初步构建了社会主义政治文明观的基本框架。邓小平和江泽民形成了社会主义政治文明建设的系统思想,以新的理论和实践丰富和发展了马克思主义政治文明理论。马克思主义政治文明理论的发展历程,显示了与时俱进的理论品质和实践活力。 相似文献
992.
PETER M. WARD 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1998,17(3):341-365
Abstract — A typology comprising technocratic rationality versus political partisanship helps to identify several local government structures found in contemporary Mexico: political machines; autonomous-indigenous; technocratic; and modernising party governments. Case study research in over a dozen municipalities for three principal parties suggest a trend towards increasing technocratic and more administratively efficient municipal government and changing patterns of partisanship. This arises from new pressures associated with electoral opening, political alternation, new government actors, growing urban development complexity, and from federal reforms offering greater local government autonomy. However, while improved administration and technocratic governance often leads to positive outcomes, they do not necessarily imply ‘good government’. 相似文献
993.
陈志刚 《北京行政学院学报》2004,(5):77-81
福柯透过"权力的眼睛"揭示了现代社会的权力的普遍性,并断言现代社会实际上是一个"圆形监狱".通过分析理性霸权地位的发生历史及知识--权力的联系,他批判了理性对他者甚至主体本身的压制,并试图提出一条通过话语政治和生物政治来瓦解、抵抗理性霸权的道路.在主张人的自由和解放问题上,他和马克思有相通之处,但在具体实现道路上,二者又迥然不同.他对马克思的一些批评有不公正的地方. 相似文献
994.
党的十六大报告,把发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,确定为全面建设小康社会的一个重要目标。实现这一重要目标,必须深刻理解政治文明的深刻内涵和重大意义;必须坚定不移地走自己的政治发展战略,积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革;必须发挥我们的政治优势,把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机的统一起来;必须坚持我国社会主义政治制度的自我完善和发展;必须改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式,实现党的领导方式、执政方式的现代化和民主化;必须处理好改革、发展和稳定的关系,维护国家统一、民族团结和社会稳定;必须实现整个社会运行机制的制度化、规范化和程序化。 相似文献
995.
Public‐private initiatives have been the domain of many governments as they try to shape international trade for their countries. The research presented in this paper indicates that US international businesses are not satisfied with the passive role that has been assumed by the US government and current public‐private partnerships. The evidence suggests that US companies desire a more aggressive role for the federal government in the not too distant future. Public‐private partnerships will be less informational and play an active part in stimulating international trade throughout the world. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
996.
Davison Muchadenyika John J. Williams 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2020,38(1):89-102
ABSTRACT Most scholars agree that the character of the urban governance system in Zimbabwe is a reflection of the dominance of one political party, namely, Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). However, the increasingly prominent role of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in urban governance has heralded, since the early 2000s, a period marked by change, contestation and confusion. Simultaneously, the destabilising effect of contested urban governance politics on urban management in Zimbabwe has become entrenched. This article focuses on the interface between urban governance politics and urban management in Zimbabwe in the post-2000 era. It analyses how central government, through the local government ministry, local government statutes and appointed officials, structures, and even destabilises, the administration of urban affairs. The article concludes that urban governance is not merely a site of political contestation, as it has also profoundly influenced and altered the functioning of urban administration in Zimbabwe. 相似文献
997.
ABSTRACTWhile extant assessments of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) have focused on institutional and regulatory regimes, such evaluations have largely tended to depoliticise institutions. This article argues that a more robust understanding of EITI processes must give central attention to historically situated political structures and power relations that continue to shape the present institutional quality/capacity of extractive industries' transparency, and EITI reforms. Assessing the EITI in Africa through the lens of historical institutionalism clarifies how global governance regimes interface with specific institutional pathways, state-corporation-civil society configurations, and historical legacies to produce outcomes that may complement or undermine intended reforms. 相似文献
998.
Borjan Gjuzelov Milka Ivanovska Hadjievska 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2020,20(1):41-60
ABSTRACTThe paper discusses the underlying characteristics of Macedonian illiberal politics during the 11-year rule of the centre-right party VMRO-DPMNE (2006–2017) focusing on two aspects: institutional and symbolic. We argue that the unfair political competition was enabled by the weakness of pre-existing institutions and the population’s clientelist preferences, which were systematically exploited and expanded by VMRO-DPMNE. We also argue that the multi-ethnic character of the country, the disputed Macedonian national identity and the lack of viable international prospects allowed VMRO-DPMNE to construct a strong nationalist narrative that appealed to voters and further isolated the opposition. 相似文献
999.
Sanjana Hattatuwa 《圆桌》2019,108(6):695-707
ABSTRACTSocial media use around those aged 18–34 will significantly impact the prospects for the public validation of a new constitution in Sri Lanka, especially the planning and conduct of a referendum. This paper examines key developments in the consumption of and perceptions around social media, and how a networked society within a context of democratic deficit and plunging faith in electoral processes can pose a greater risk for public faith in constitutional reform. 相似文献
1000.
“三个代表”重要思想是新世纪统帅党和国家各项工作的纲领,也是发展社会主义民主政治的强大思想武器。坚持“三个代表”重要思想,才能确保党在中国社会主义民主政治建设中的领导地位,确保实现人民当家作主,切实推进依法治国。当代中国的民主政治建设以“三个代表”重要思想为指导,就要大力发展党内民主,以党内民主推进人民民主;大力增强执政为民意识,保障人民当家作主;大力提高全民族的民主素质和科学文化水平;大力加强民主政治制度建设。 相似文献