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21.
"两山"理念蕴含的科学思维方法,为新时代进一步推进生态文明建设提供了方法论指导,要求我们从战略思维上把生态文明建设上升到关乎中华民族伟大复兴的高度;从系统思维上把"人-自然-社会"作为内在的有机体去把握,把生态治理看作是一个复杂的系统工程;从辩证思维上把握"绿水青山"与"金山银山"的相互关系,在实践中把经济发展与环境保护构成统一的整体,走高质量发展之路。  相似文献   
22.
我国对于行政自由裁量权的合理性审查标准迫切需要重构。比例原则是大陆法系国家通过判例和理论发展起来的相当成熟的审查原则和标准,可资我国借鉴。本文研究比例原则的概念、渊源和适用领域,分析其在司法适用上的局限性,并就其在我国行政诉讼中运用的若干问题进行探讨。  相似文献   
23.
谢安平 《河北法学》2007,25(9):131-135
刑事庭前审查程序的价值主要体现为三个方面:一是对公诉案件进行"过滤",从而抑制公诉,防止不必要的和无根据的审判发动;二是对公诉案件进行"分流",使不同刑事案件适用繁简不同的诉讼程序,防止简单案件适用复杂的诉讼程序,或者是复杂案件适用简单的诉讼程序;三是保障人权并节约诉讼资源.在此基础上,提出了"建立我国预审法官制度"等完善我国刑事庭前审查程序的构想.  相似文献   
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Trigger pull is the force that needs to be exerted on the trigger to discharge a firearm. The measurement of trigger pull can assist in the evaluation of the safety, function, and manufacturing characteristics associated with a firearm during the forensic firearm examination process. Nonetheless, the accuracy and uncertainty of trigger pull measurements may be affected by the measuring device, test procedure, and environmental conditions. In this work, an innovative finger-trigger interface device was developed to facilitate accurate trigger pull measurements. The idea was to reduce the variation related to the position of the measurement device on the trigger in existing measuring methods and devices. Three force sensors based on different technologies were initially evaluated. While two of the three sensors failed to produce data, the miniature capacitive plate sensor exhibited high precision and a linear response over the range of typical trigger pulls. To examine the effects of the finger-trigger interface on trigger pull measurement, different sensor housing prototypes were designed in silico and 3D printed for the construction of three finger-trigger interface devices. The performance of each finger-trigger interface device was evaluated by measuring the trigger pulls of several selected firearms and comparing the data to a previously published study. Our preliminary results demonstrated the novel finger-trigger interface device offered a new way to measure trigger pull in situ with acceptable accuracy and precision.  相似文献   
26.
Determining the application sequence of hand-written pen ink and printer toner lines has attracted significant interest in questioned document examination. This study uses coaxial light to determine line-crossing sequences, with intersections observed under a VSC600 forensic document workstation and a Leica M205A Stereo-microscope. Results show that reflected light at intersections and color contrast between intersections and nonintersections was observed when a hand-written ink line passes over a toner line, while a toner line passing over a written line appeared dull, with no color contrast. The procedure was tested under a range of conditions, such as types of writing pens and laser printers, the writer, and writing pressure, with the latter playing an important role in the evaluation. To validate the results, a 90% detection rate and 98% accuracy rate were achieved from 50 samples of blind testing, which is more effective than optical microscopy.  相似文献   
27.
近年来台湾地区的刑事诉讼经历了重大的改革,其公诉权制约机制较为完善。对于检察官不起诉、缓起诉处分,立法设置了再议制、交付审判制进行监督和制约,防止检察官滥用不起诉权;对于检察机关的起诉则在审前以起诉审查制进行制约,防止未达起诉法定门槛的案件进入审判。对于大陆来说,其公诉权制约机制有很大的借鉴意义。大陆也应设立公诉权的司法权制约机制,对于检察机关的起诉和不起诉都应最终由法院来进行审查和制约,以保证公诉权合法行使。但对于台湾地区公诉权制约机制的不足之处,借鉴的同时需予以改进。  相似文献   
28.
This study provides a systematic review of the development of Chinese public administration in English language journals. An analysis of articles in the top 25 English-language public administration journals worldwide from 1996 to 2016 confirmed increases in both the number and significance of studies of Chinese public administration. A systematic content analysis of abstracts of previous studies was performed and showed that social development and administrative reform were among the most important topics. With respect to the methodology of this study, qualitative methods were more frequently used than quantitative or mixed methods. Finally, implications for future research on Chinese public administration are discussed.  相似文献   
29.
The political–bureaucratic interface has been the subject of much academic interest. However, research has tended to focus exclusively on wealthy institutionalized democracies, with little attention given to the political–administrative relationship in developing countries. However, recent evidence from reform processes in poorer nations increasingly highlights the importance of interactions between politicians and bureaucrats. This paper provides a systematic overview of the political–bureaucratic relationship in developing countries and in doing so makes two key contributions. First, it introduces a typology of political–bureaucratic relations based on four models—collaborative, collusive, intrusive, and integrated—discussing examples of each. Second, it analyses the main factors associated with different models of political–bureaucratic relations and considers how countries can move from one model of relations to another. The paper provides a much‐needed entry point for scholars and policymakers to better understanding the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats in developing countries. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
30.
The usage of the word brand crops up more frequently in politics. Specifically, in the study of political marketing, a burgeoning set of research has encircled various cases and conceptions. However, the brand concept seeks to harbor a variety of political events, just like a sponge soaking up different kinds of meaning in different kinds of surroundings. This tendency makes it hard to accumulate knowledge because demarcations between various brand perspectives in many cases are implicit, which can impede the clarity and precision in our studies. Against this backdrop, we identify a gap in the political brand literature: a study conducting an overall conceptual inquiry. As such, it is first argued that we need a thorough analysis of the foundation of the political brand concept to uncover the presuppositions underlying the different usages of the concept. Second, we carry out a systematic review of the brand literature on voters and parties. Third, on this ground, we propose a minimal definition and six subclassifications to the political brand concept. Finally, we illustrate the applicability of this conceptual groundwork in order to advance cumulative research in the field.  相似文献   
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