同一个体发毛角蛋白电泳谱型的分析

用SDS -PAGGE对收集到的 2 0例人体表毛发 (头发、阴毛、腋毛、腿毛 )角蛋白组分进行了分析。结果表明 ,同一个体毛发角蛋白电泳谱型基本相同 ,用激光光密度仪对电泳凝胶板扫描后证实 ,同一个体毛发角蛋白组分相对百分含量也无明显差异 ;人头部不同部位 (顶部、左侧、右侧、额部、枕部 )头发角蛋白的电泳谱型和角蛋白组分相对百分含量也基本相同。同一个体毛发角蛋白组分的分析 ,可为法医物证学鉴定中的毛发个人识别提供重要的依据。     

孙子“择人而任劳”辨正

人们历来把《孙子兵法·势篇》最后一段“不责于人,故能择人,而任势”中的“人”释为“力战”或“兵众”、“指挥员”,把“择”释为“选择”,这是错误的。本文通过训释字义及考察孙子关于“众寡之用”的关系、兵员多寡优劣与力量强弱的关系,提出了“择人而任势”是指撇除兵员数量多寡这个因素去使用“势”的新观点。     

“My Kids,They Safe.”: Lived Experiences of Parents Receiving Child Neglect Allegations

Abstract

This study aims to explore parents’ lived experiences of receiving child neglect allegations and how they make sense of these experiences. The sample consists of parents who participated in a family preservation program following allegations of child neglect. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). The findings suggest that parents resist neglect allegations, both by denial and minimization, partly due to their lack of clear understanding of what constitutes child neglect. Further, parents in this study tended to be reactive to meanings ascribed to the label of child neglect rather than the allegations per se. They seemed to experience internal conflict between their positive evaluations of their own parenting and what their neglect allegations might imply about their parenting. Parents also experienced emotional distress, such as concern about social stigma and fear of losing their parental rights, as they tried to make sense of their current situations. Suggested implications for practice include exploring parents’ subjective understanding of their allegations and considering their unique familial and sociocultural contexts from the outset of their involvement with child protective services (CPS) in order to build a collaborative working alliance.     

Commonwealth Small States,Education and Environmental Uncertainty: Learning from the Sharp End

ABSTRACT

This paper examines the Commonwealth’s inclusive role in engaging with the distinctive challenges of education provision in small states, an agenda that is often neglected elsewhere. We examine the origins of Commonwealth work on education in small states, the nature of its comparative advantage, its role in facilitating small states’ engagement with international education dialogue and regional co-operation, and the demand and potential for ongoing Commonwealth support for education. Particular attention is given to experience within the Caribbean region and to the potential for the Commonwealth and the wider international community to learn from small states in the light of their distinctive educational challenges, achievements and priorities – and, most notably, their experience at the ‘sharp end’ of environmental uncertainty and climate change.     

An alternative reading of religion and authoritarianism: the new logic between religion and state in the AKP’s New Turkey

ABSTRACT

Since roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes.     

The intersectionality of gender,sexuality, and religion: novelties and continuities in Turkey during the AKP era

ABSTRACT

This article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions.     

菲华商联总会“捐建农村校舍运动”述评——社会资本角度的诠释

战后初期,华菲冲突剧烈,为改善华菲关系,华社积极为主流社会提供各种公益性服务,其中,商总发起与承担的"捐建农村校舍运动"成效最为卓著.经过40多年的努力,这一工作已取得了很大成就,在华社及主流社会都获得了很高的声誉,为华社创造了丰富的社会资本,对华菲融合起到了积极的促进作用.     

Trade Measures and Climate Compliance: Institutional Interplay Between WTO and the Marrakesh Accords

This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them.     

传染性腔上囊病病毒HN01超强毒株VP2基因的克隆和序列分析

根据GenBank中登录的传染性腔上囊病病毒(IBDV)标准强毒株52-70株基因组序列,设计并合成了1对扩增IBDV VP2基因的特异性引物.以IBDV超强毒分离株HN01感染发病鸡腔上囊组织中提取的病毒RNA为模板,用RT-PCR扩增出了1.45 kb的cDNA产物,将扩增的IBDV HN01株VP2基因克隆于pMD 18-T载体上,获得了pMD 18-T-VP2重组质粒.将IBDV HN01株 VP2基因序列测定结果与已发表的其他IBDV毒株VP2基因序列进行分析比较,绘出系统进化树.结果表明,HN01株与欧洲超强毒株UK661、日本超强毒株OKYM、香港超强毒株HK46等非常相似,而与经典强毒株、弱毒株和变异株相差较大.     

民主选举：从村级到乡镇级

最近几年的村民委员会改选实现了真正的民主选举。村级民主选举将从根本上动摇村干部配合乡镇政府乱收费的行为,但这会强化乡镇政府所属的众多的站、所、室及公司直接进入市场,征收费用。乡镇政府的市场介入会导致巨大的效率损失。因此,有必要规范乡镇政府行为,而实现乡镇级民主选举则是规范乡镇政府行为的必然选择。而且,从笔者论证的结果和选举实践来看,在我国实行乡镇级民主选举是可行的。