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771.
Since the 1990s over 158 countries established pro‐market reforms in telecommunications—a fast pace for such a drastic change. For example, Sweden and Botswana, two nations vastly different across multiple dimensions, both liberalized their telecom sectors. Why did so many countries adopt liberal reforms in such a short period of time? Conventional wisdom highlights the role of global markets and technology, powerful states, global diffusion, and domestic politics. I argue that contrary to these claims, diffusion through key international organizations is the critical and overlooked factor in explaining rapid global convergence of pro‐market telecom reforms. Using an original dataset for 189 countries between 1970 and 2003 and event history analysis, I demonstrate that membership in key liberal trading organizations, especially the WTO and the OECD, increases the likelihood that countries will adopt liberal pro‐market reforms in telecommunications. These results speak directly to current public policy debates about the reregulation of global markets and bridges the literatures of policy diffusion, institutional design, and regulatory regimes.  相似文献   
772.
面对一个网络虚拟化、分散化、有组织化的网络传销犯罪,如何发现线索、锁定犯罪嫌疑人、掌握传销组织运作结构,仍是亟待解决的问题。社会网络分析法从"关系"角度出发,研究网络传销犯罪组织的成员及其组织结构关系,进行量化和质化研究。侦查人员通过对网络传销案件中的信息流、资金流和人员流的"关系"信息收集,运用具体社会网络分析法图表和矩阵的思想,构建出整个网络传销组织的"虚实"两层次的社会结构关系,并进行碰撞对比,以分析网络传销组织的成员体系、结构特征、运作框架和行为目标,进而为打击网络传销犯罪提供一定的帮助。  相似文献   
773.
Why are relations between non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations (IOs) sometimes conflictual and other times collaborative? This article evaluates hypotheses in the international relations and social movements literatures with reference to relations between NGOs associated with the anti-/alterglobalization movement and multilateral economic institutions (MEIs). Drawing on an original database and interviews with MEI and NGO staff members, the article shows that attributes of NGOs – including NGO budgets, ideology, and organizational structure – rather than the political or economic environment better account not only for an overall increase in collaboration with IOs since the late 1990s, but also for a growing divergence among NGOs regarding the acceptability of such collaboration.  相似文献   
774.
编造虚假恐怖信息犯罪既是《中华人民共和国刑法修正案 (三 )》增加的一种新型的恐怖活动犯罪 ,又是实践中发生率高、影响面广的恐怖活动犯罪之一。它的法律特征是什么、发生的原因有哪些、我们应当采取什么对策来遏止 ?等等 ,都值得研究。  相似文献   
775.
群团组织是党联系群众的桥梁和纽带,在推进社会建设中发挥着重要而独特的作用。党的十八 大以来,以习近平同志为核心的党中央高度重视社会建设。本研究以工会组织为例分析指出,群团组织参与社 会建设有利于发挥党在推进社会建设中的统领作用,有利于落实以人民为中心的社会建设理念,有利于贯彻依 法治国方略、提高社会建设的法治化水平。群团组织参与社会建设的主要任务,包括在保障和改善民生中发挥 补充作用、促进共同富裕的实现,在维权和化解矛盾中发挥协商协调作用、推进社会公平正义等。基于此,研 究建议要以改革创新精神提升群团组织参与社会建设的能力:强化维权服务职责,增强参与的主动性和时效性; 加快智慧工会建设,创新参与方式;努力维护劳动领域政治安全,牢牢把握住工会参与的底线;加强基层工会 建设,壮大参与力量。  相似文献   
776.
International nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) are increasingly important players in global politics and development. However, they are undergoing significant adaptations as governments worldwide have instituted restrictions to regulate their activities. What explains the various ways in which they respond to these institutional pressures? In our study of INGO responses to a new restrictive law in China, we identify four strategic responses with varying levels of compliance: legal registration, provisional strategy, localization, and exit. The institutional pressures—strategic responses link is influenced by INGOs' adaptive capacity, which is in turn shaped by an organization's issue sensitivity, value-add, government ties, and reputational authority. The integrated framework we develop for INGO strategic responses can shed light on state-INGO relations in other countries, many of which are subject to increasingly stringent regulations and a closing political environment.  相似文献   
777.
This article argues that current democracy promotion strategies relying on rights-claiming advocacy NGOs are falling short of their democratization goals, as authoritarian regimes are closing the space through restrictions on the NGOs that attempt to carry them out. In response, we suggest a reexamination of earlier approaches to involving civil society in democratization efforts by shifting the focus back on service-providing civil society organizations that have largely become side-lined in democracy-building agendas. Specifically, service providers tend to be more capable of functioning “under the radar” thus contributing to democracy in both direct and indirect ways, and thus escaping closing space restrictions. The key concerns about their independence from the state, as well as under what conditions the state may be less successful in coopting the independent service-providers, however, remain unresolved and warrant future research.  相似文献   
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