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111.
张书林 《陕西行政学院学报》2011,25(2):53-59
2011年2月19日胡锦涛在省部级主要领导干部社会管理及其创新专题研讨班开班式上明确提出了"提高社会管理科学化水平"的重大命题。其实,提高社会管理科学化水平在党内的探索从党的十六大以来已经展开,并经历了一个发展演进的过程。当前,提高社会管理科学化水平的紧迫任务是,必须抓紧理清社会管理与社会民生、社会管理与社会稳定、社会管理与社会组织、社会管理与社会参与、社会管理与社会发展等五大基本关系范畴。而共产党作为社会的执政党,通过主导管理格局、主导党群关系、主导基层基础、主导社会组织、主导虚拟社会、主导核心价值,事实上在创新社会管理、提高社会管理科学化水平中发挥着主导性作用。 相似文献
112.
闫超栋 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2010,23(4):8-10,18
新媒体作为一种全新的社会力量,已逐步普及并渗透到社会生活的各个方面,深刻地改变着社会面貌,影响着人们的思维观念和价值取向。青少年是新媒体技术使用最为广泛、最为活跃的群体,探析新媒体对青少年的影响,应该同时考虑如何控制新媒体对青少年的负面影响。 相似文献
113.
We use the NLSY97 dataset to examine the parenting‐delinquency relationship and how it is conditioned by parents’ gender, controlling for youths’ gender. Generally, neglectful and authoritarian parenting styles were associated with the highest levels of delinquency in youths. When the sample was split by parent gender, authoritarianism held up across both groups, but permissive and neglectful parenting was only significant for fathers. Independent of parenting style, boys have higher delinquency levels than girls. The strength and magnitude of this relationship is nearly identical in separate equations for mothers and fathers. Parental attachment was not a significant protective factor against delinquency for either mothers or fathers. 相似文献
114.
HAN Dayuan 《Frontiers of Law in China》2018,13(4):458
China has a long history of constitutional jurisprudence, bearing different academic missions in different eras. China’s constitutional jurisprudence, characterized by its academic logic and principled nature, has not only facilitated social development and progress but also actively played academic functions during the Chinese reform and opening up. This paper considers the social changes during the last 40 years of the policy’s implementation as the background and, by employing standardized and literature analysis methods, combs the main progress and evolution of the knowledge system during the 40 years of constitutional jurisprudence study, followed by a look into its future. 相似文献
115.
Abstract The aim of this study was to examine the impact of interpersonal style and psychopathy on treatment non-completion and aggressive behaviour. Participants were patients with personality disorder admitted for treatment to a structured group program operating within a medium secure psychiatric hospital. Assessment of personality disorder and psychopathy occurred prior to admission. Interpersonal style was assessed on admission with the Impact Message Inventory (IMI), a self-report transactional inventory. Files were subsequently reviewed to determine whether patients were aggressive during their hospital stay and whether they were prematurely expelled from the unit and therefore did not complete treatment. Results showed that patients who completed treatment were more nurturing and help-seeking. Aggressive patients were more competitive and dominant. Psychopathy did not differentiate treatment completers from non-completers or aggressive from non-aggressive patients. Clinical implications and opportunities for further research are explored. 相似文献
116.
117.
曹玉玉 《山西警官高等专科学校学报》2013,21(1):26-29
片面共犯由于违背共同故意要件因而不属于共同犯罪,其不能对保险诈骗罪第4款的法律性质作出合理的解释。保险诈骗罪第4款既不属于法律拟制和注意规定,也不属于想象竞合和法规竞合,其是法律文本主义的当然解释,亦是大竞合理论下,适用从一重处断原则的当然结果。 相似文献
118.
Diana Mutz 《政治交往》2013,30(3):327-328
The argument is commonly made that television has changed the character of parliamentary elections. Its ever more central role in election campaigns outside the United States is held to have “presidentialized” parliamentary elections because it is a medium that projects personalities more effectively than ideas or policies. A comparison of the electoral roles of the Australian prime minister and the U.S. president indicates that both leaders are held personally accountable for government performance. However, such “presidentialism” appears to have little to do with television in Australia or in the United States. Television‐dependent citizens in both countries are less susceptible to the campaign appeals of chief executives than the rest of the voting public. Both leaders, but especially the president, do have an electoral impact. Counter to expectations, however, this impact makes itself felt in both cases among those voters who are not dependent on television for their political information and cues. Party identification seems to insulate the television‐dependent more successfully against leader effects. 相似文献
119.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(3):321-342
This paper probes the dichotomy between strategic performance of cultural text and a strong approach to culture that sees fundamental texts as encompassing and determining social action. The central question posed is whether the paradigmatic emphasis on strategy in cultural analysis of protest and social movements misses the compelling influences that cultural texts may exert under certain conditions. Regarding protest movements and political contention, I am especially interested in the ‘deep textual grammar’ of the conflict, which can strongly constrain and guide social action. By identifying and analysing the deep cultural text of the Chechen nationalist movement for the period 1989–1999, this study shows that, in addition to strategic decisions, movement trajectories are sometimes strongly – almost ritualistically – culturally determined. As a first step towards reconceptualising the role of culture in social movements and to spur further investigation, this paper offers several propositions derived from the Chechen case about the relationship of deep culture and mobilisation. 相似文献
120.
周静 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2014,(6):119-121
语篇分析就是从具有完整思想内容的篇章的结构分析入手,从微观和宏观两个方面展开对语篇内容的研究。语篇分析教学是对传统的语法分析教学的否定,可以帮助我们解决传统英语教学中"单纯教语言"的问题。依据语篇分析理论,教师应充分重视非语言信息在语篇学习中的积极作用,改革创新语篇教学方法,从而使学生提高阅读水平,提高阅读课的教学质量。 相似文献