有关农村土地承包经营权两个争议问题的比较分析

在"依法治国"及发展市场经济的时代背景下,重新审视承包制下的承包经营权,并进行制度的重新设计,是我国土地制度改革中的一个重要课题.本文以现行人大法工委物权法第二次审议稿为视角,结合历史和现实的考察,对有关农村土地承包经营权的两个争议问题进行了比较分析,得出了两个相关的结论.     

浅议和谐社会的法律保障

构建社会主义和谐社会不但需要完善的法律,而且法律的制定必须坚持以人为本、遵循客观规律、符合理性精神,同时还必须增强政府部门的执法素质和全社会的守法意识与法制观念,切实做到有法可依、有法必依、执法必严、违法必究.文章从建立民主法治着眼,就立法、执法、守法几个方面阐述自己关于建立和谐社会的相关观点.     

沉默权制度中国化探析

沉默权是现代法制国家刑事司法制度的一项重要内容,是犯罪嫌疑人和被告人真正享有辩护权的基础所在。沉默权在西方就是一项充满争议的制度,而我国刑事诉讼法中应否引进沉默权原则,更是存在否定说与肯定说之争。我国应当确立有限沉默权原则。     

高绩效政府的创建与公信力问题

高绩效政府是政府形象建设的一个重要方面,而良好的政府形象无疑是提升政府公信力的法宝。从这个意义上来看,政府公信力的提升有赖于高绩效政府的创建。高绩效政府是一个公众满意度高的政府、是一个有限而强大的政府、是一个服务型政府。高绩效政府的创建需要政府百折不挠的努力,有赖于政府对信誉的重视,需要重视领导艺术,是一个共同参与的过程。     

社会转型时期的法治发展规律研究

社会转型是一个价值更替、秩序重构和文明再生的过程,是一个国家和民族承继以往优秀传统、解决当前现实问题、规划未来发展方向的关键时期。西方国家在社会转型过程中法治的发展既呈现出鲜明的个性色彩。又包含着基本的共性特征;既植根于各国的传统和国情,又遵循了基本的法治规律。我国当前正处于急剧的社会转型过程中。西方国家社会转型时期法治建设的共性特征、基本经验和一般规律给我们以诸多启迪与借鉴,也有助于我们预测和把握我国法治的未来发展趋势。     

商标财产化的负面效应及其化解

商标本为一种用于区别来源的工具。然而,现代商标法将之财产化,并采用民法财产权体系中的绝对权保护模式。绝对权的认知结构预设着强有力的私权保护,这为商标权的强化和扩张埋下了种子。商标财产化的理论基础脆弱,经典的自然权利理论、现代的法经济学理论以及商誉论和广告功能保护论都无法为商标财产权提供坚实的理论支撑。商标财产化在实践中产生了一些负面效应,在我国还呈加剧之势,有必要予以纠正。在认知上,需要打破绝对权理念之拘束。在实践中,停止侵害的禁令救济的绝对化适用需加以纠正;混淆之扩张需谨慎对待,以反击"财产论"对"混淆论"的挤压。此外,还需提升商标性使用的地位,使其扮演商标法"守门人"角色,以期对商标财产权的不断扩张进行约束和限制。     

“对赌协议”的裁判路径及政策选择——基于PE/VC与公司对赌场景的分析

PE/VC与目标公司对赌的司法裁判要点从合同效力转入合同可履行性后,需要面对两个层次的追问:一是以什么样的实体标准来判断履行障碍,二是由谁来判断是否存在履行障碍。华工案和“九民纪要”仅处理了第一个层次的问题,且主要以资本维持原则作为实体判断标准。然而,我国现行公司法资本维持原则过于粗疏,且缺乏“大分配”概念和底线规制的思路,导致“对赌协议”下的回购只能通过减资的途径,徒增成本。域外以清偿能力标准替代资本维持原则,体现了另一种以债权人利益为导向限制公司资产单向流出至股东的规制思路,但其商业逻辑上的合理性却无法掩盖更大的操作成本。就第二层次的判断主体而言,以美国特拉华州为代表,法官的商业判断逐渐让位于公司董事会的商业判断,却进一步凸显了公司、不同类别股东、债权人之间利益冲突的复杂状态。立法层面的价值判断与政策选择将最终决定司法裁判的走向,未来我国公司法的修订需要回应商业实践的诉求,同时PE/VC投资者也需要直面投资失败的风险承担。     

Procedural justice,obligation to obey,and cooperation with police in a sample of Jamaican citizens

ABSTRACT

Procedural justice theory plays a central role in understanding police–citizen relationships. To test the universality of procedural justice theory, researchers have tended to assess the relative impacts of normative and instrumental models of policing in different geopolitical contexts. Building on Reisig and Lloyd’s study in Jamaica, we test in the current study the relative impacts of procedural justice (a normative factor) and police effectiveness and risk of sanctioning (instrumental factors) on Jamaicans’ obligation to obey the police and willingness to cooperate with police. We found that procedural justice predicted both obligation to obey and cooperation, although obligation did not predict cooperation. And while effectiveness predicted obligation, it was not significantly related to cooperation. Lastly, older citizens were more willing to cooperate with police. The study’s implications for policy and future research are discussed.     

《民法典》中定作人任意解除权的适用要件与法律效果

《民法典》第787条以现行《合同法》第268条为基础,对定作人任意解除权作出了规定。该制度的规范目的在于保护定作人利益,并避免社会资源浪费,任意解除权应限于承揽合同的定作人,不应类推适用于建设工程施工合同的发包人。在时间要件上,该解除权只能在承揽工作完成之前行使;在主观要件上,定作人行使任意解除权时应排除承揽人违约的情形。定作人行使任意解除权应符合解除权的行使程序,但在行使效果上,应注意其与法定解除权的区分。定作人行使任意解除权在本质上是一种须承担对价的单方终止,对该条所定的赔偿范围,应采“报酬请求权”解释,即承揽人有权请求合同约定的报酬以及因合同解除而增加的费用,但其因合同解除而节约的成本应予扣除。     

Theoretically,yes, but also empirically? How the corruption-turnout link is marginally explained by civic duty to vote

Corruption is generally associated with low electoral participation. A recurrent explanation of the negative correlation between corruption and electoral turnout involves the rational calculus of the costs and benefits of voting. More specifically, in a context of high corruption, citizens do not vote because they think that doing so will hardly affect policy decisions. A number of influential studies has argued that corruption affects citizens' electoral engagement in a different and more fundamental way as well: It erodes their sense of civic duty to vote in elections. Yet, a relation between corruption and civic duty and a mediation effect of the attitude remains empirically untested. This article examines empirically whether perceived corruption and sense of civic duty are correlated, as well as whether civic duty mediates the relation between perceived corruption and turnout. It does so with the pooled Making Electoral Democracy Work data, as these data contain measures on individuals’ sense of civic duty to vote in four election levels, namely, national, regional, European, and municipal elections, as well as on their perception of corruption in each of these government levels, and on their participation in these four election levels as well. I find a weak relation between perceived corruption and civic duty, and a low mediation effect of the attitude (compared with rational factors), irrespective of the election level.