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91.
Research focusing on the relationship between the economy and satisfaction with democracy often presents mixed results. This article argues that this uncertainty is mainly due to model specification, number of surveys and measurement. After discussing why the role of the economy should not be overlooked, by using an empirical strategy that applies Bayesian cross-classified mixed models to 572 national surveys in 28 European countries from 1973 to 2013 drawn from the Eurobarometer, it is shown that objective macro-economic indicators and a subjective indicator seem to substantially affect citizens’ satisfaction with democracy in Europe. The findings are robust when controlling for various institutional and political variables and using alternative model specifications. 相似文献
92.
Francis Plagne 《Critical Horizons》2016,17(3-4):390-404
David Roberts's The Total Work of Art in European Modernism extends and deepens the analysis of the counter-paradigm of redemptively inspired art to modernism's own pre-occupation with secularization. It addresses the imbalance in social and critical theory whereby progressive secular rationalization has been elevated to the sole logic of modernity, and the romantic redemptive tradition has been reduced to a marginal counter-enlightenment. The total work of art paradigm allows Roberts to demonstrate how the programme of modernity has been constituted by internal tensions and antinomies from the very beginning. 相似文献
93.
Yong Wang 《The Pacific Review》2016,29(3):455-463
China's Belt and Road initiative came from the combined pressure of slowing down of Chinese economy, US pivot to Asia and deterioration of the relations with neighboring countries after weathering the storm of the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. It also symbolizes a more proactive approach of Chinese new leader Xi Jinping in meeting the expectation on China's international obligation and leadership. Aimed to link Asia, Europe, Africa and Oceania, the initiative provides tremendous opportunities of international economic cooperation. The paper argues that as China's contribution to international public goods, it is in the line of economic liberalism; as China's grand strategy, it is more of defensive than offensive by nature. Despite risks and uncertainties exist, the enforcement will boost China's influence and position in regional and international institutions. US should consider making more strategic space to the rising China, and a better coordinated China–US relations will make Asia Pacific a safer and more promising region. 相似文献
94.
Apart from the studies that focus on public attitudes toward higher courts in advanced democracies, we know little about the factors that can explain public confidence in the judiciary in a comparative setting. In this regard, the goal of this study is to explain whether, and to what extent, the country's level of democracy moderates the impact of political awareness on public confidence in the judiciary. This study uses hierarchical linear models to analyse the interaction between individual and country level factors by using the World Values Survey (2005–2009) data for 49 countries and various other data sources. Our empirical results show that in advanced democracies political awareness variables like education and political participation have a positive impact on public confidence in the judiciary, whereas in countries with weak levels of democracy higher political awareness leads to increased cynicism about the judiciary. These results suggest that a one-size-fits-all approach to explain confidence in the judiciary is not possible when we are dealing with a wide range of societies that vary in terms of many characteristics, both institutional and cultural. 相似文献
95.
Ludger Helms 《Democratization》2016,23(3):459-477
Democracies are, by definition, marked by a strong normative commitment to innovation and change, and all democratic regimes must seek to generate innovations both to keep their fundamental promise and to secure their own survival. In response to the latent crisis of representative democracy, recent political research has devoted eager attention to innovating democratic institutions, yet with conspicuously little regard for the likely effects of such reform proposals on the innovation-related performance and innovation capacity of democratic regimes. Indeed, some reform proposals, if implemented, would appear to reduce rather than increase the innovation capacity of representative democracies. Innovation-focused leadership may be able to fill that gap and provide what even the best institutions alone are unable to accomplish. In contrast to recent research on leadership and innovation in the public sector, which tends to centre on forms of collaborative leadership within networks, this article emphasizes the importance of individual leaders, and more specifically of political chief executives whose status and position in the governance process have been significantly enhanced by a combination of different factors. However, while leadership might be the key to democratic political innovation, innovative leadership and institutional engineering remain closely related to one another. 相似文献
96.
障碍与释疑:反垄断法适用于银行业的理论澄清 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
法律适用的明晰是开展法律规制实践的必要前提。虽然反垄断法的适用障碍表现出法律效力的"自我否定"倾向,但是这种制度设计源于对行业发展规律和合理规则方法的尊重。伴随市场经济的发展和管制行业的开放浪潮,反垄断法适用障碍具有主客观两方面的消弭倾向,其适用范围不断扩张。市场化进程的推进使得作为垄断性行业的银行业逐渐回归市场竞争的发展本质,"新型"的反垄断规制和"传统"的金融规制也会因此产生此消彼长的态势转变。《反垄断法》适用于银行业的实然逻辑在于既有法律规则范畴下的解释合法性、银行业市场发展演变的行业合理性以及我国反垄断规制发展脉络下的可期待性。 相似文献
97.
王翔 《福建公安高等专科学校学报》2008,(3):51-54
采用SCL-90症状自评量表对我校568名专科毕业生进行测试,并与全国成人常模对照分析,我校毕业生心理健康状况总体良好,但有一部分学生存在心理问题;在男女毕业生中,女生的强迫症状、人际敏感、抑郁、焦虑、恐怖、精神病性因子均显著高于男生。加强对公安院校学生的心理健康教育工作刻不容缓。 相似文献
98.
高职院校校名英译研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
戈玉和 《北京政法职业学院学报》2008,(3)
本文对我国100所国家示范性高职院校英文校名进行分析,并试图从“翻译单位”和“零翻译”的视角,用实证对比的方法,借鉴英美等国类似的校名,对我国高职院校英文校名的规范化问题进行探讨。 相似文献
99.
高校作为人才、知识和文化聚集的高地,担负着培养建设中国特色社会主义事业合格建设者和可靠接班人的重任。而思想政治教育在培养和提高人的素质方面起着不可替代的重要作用,且高校思想政治教育必然要随着社会的发展而发展。从和谐文化视野分析高校思想政治教育现状,从内容、方法、载体、环境、管理和教育者等六个主要方面探讨高校思想政治教育的发展。对于推进高校思想政治教育创新、加强和谐文化建设具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。 相似文献
100.
George W. Breslauer 《后苏联事务》2017,33(3):177-199
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) are both conceptualized as sacred institutions, with many features of ideology/theology, hierocratic structure, and policy process in common. After periods of exclusion, they both also faced strong pressures to adapt to changes in the modern world, both internal and external, and to reduce status differentiation within the hierarchy and between the clergy/apparatchiki hierarchy and the laity/population. The present article compares and contrasts de-Stalinization under Khrushchev (1956–1964) with the results of Vatican II (1959–1965), and Gorbachev’s reforms (1985–1991) with the efforts of Pope Francis to reform the RCC (2013–present). The comparisons validate the explanatory power of the noted similarities between these sacred institutions, while also highlighting significant differences in structure, mission, and process, which explain why Pope Francis has adopted an incremental strategy for reform of the RCC, in contrast to Gorbachev’s revolutionary strategy for reforming the CPSU. 相似文献