创建学习型工会组织提高工会干部素质

知识经济越来越多地渗透到企业的生产、经营和管理中,工会组织在新形势下参与企业决策,维护职工的合法权益,其工作中知识含量的要求越来越高,工会必须高度重视,切实抓紧创建学习型工会组织,提高工会干部素质.     

工会工作的创新之路--访大连开发区工会主席苗丰仁

新形势下,工会工作贵在创新.大连开发区工会工作在不断的创新中得到加强,职工权益在工会工作创新中得到维护.只有紧密结合实际不断创新,才能把握工作的主动,这是大连开发区工会工作的重要经验之一.     

建立工资集体协商制度的调查与思考

工资集体协商是调整劳资关系、维护劳动者权益的重要内容。工会与政府有关部门联合是建立和完善工资集体协商制度的有效形式 ,不仅可以稳定劳动关系 ,而且有利于促进工会的组建工作。     

要运用法律手段调整劳动关系

要保持社会的稳定 ,必须运用法律手段调整劳动关系。工会组织要发挥自己的作用 ,在协调劳动关系中需做好几项工作。     

工会工作必须突出依法维权——二论贯彻落实工会工作指导方针

依法维权, 就是工会依据宪法和法律的规定, 维护工会自身和职工的合法权益, 其本质上是同维护全国人民总体利益一致的。依法维权是工会在向社会主义市场经济转变时期必须肩负的社会责任。该文剖析了工会和职工权益保障方面面临的挑战, 指出了当前突出依法维权应做好的几方面的工作     

Urban Refugees in Nairobi: Problems of Protection, Mechanisms of Survival, and Possibilities for Integration

This article examines the legal status and economic livelihoodsof refugees in Nairobi, focusing on Somalis, the largest urbanpopulation residing in the city. The results of the study challengethe Government of Kenya's (GOK) official position and the popularlocal perception that refugees are an economic burden, and showinstead that these urban refugees are economically self-sufficient.Despite this economic independence, conditions for most refugeesin Nairobi are extremely difficult. Urban refugees live largelywithout material assistance or legal protection from the GOKor UNHCR, are vulnerable to police arrest at any time and facehigh levels of xenophobia from the local population. By highlightingrefugee self-sufficiency in Nairobi, this article lends supportto the idea of local integration as a viable, durable solutionto their situation of protracted exile.     

Commodities and Terrorist Financing: Focus on Diamonds

Commodities, trade, and natural resources have long been part of the political economy of conflict, as soldiers and militants usually employ accessible means and methods to raise funds unless there is a clash with honestly held religious or ideological positions. Reports about the role of commodities in the financing of terrorist groups cover many areas of legal and illicit trade, foremost among these diamonds. A brief background to the diamond industry, with particular attention to vulnerabilities and their exploitation in conflict areas, provides the necessary context for two case studies about al-Qaeda (AQ) and Hezbollah. These utilize primary and secondary data to explore the linkages between diamonds and these particular groups. We found conflicting and weak evidence as well as vague language to describe interfaces between terrorist groups and the diamonds trade. We conclude that while there is cause for concern that this industry can be used to support terrorist activity, deeper factual grounding, meaningful context, and a more nuanced understanding of the diamond industry are necessary to fully inform policy makers and law enforcement about the connections between terrorist finance and the commodities trade.Research on which this paper is based was sponsored by a National Institute of Justice (NIJ) grant for a study of "Terrorist Finance and the Nexus with Transnational Organized Crime: Commodities Trade and the Social Organization of al Qaeda Groups," grant no. 2003-DT-CX-0001. We would like to thank Christian Dietrich and an anonymous peer reviewer for their very constructive comments.     

论侵犯商业秘密罪的“重大损失”

刑法第二百一十九条规定的侵犯商业秘密罪的"重大损失",是一个比较抽象的定罪情节,有必要使用司法解释的方式加以具体化.但是最高人民检察院、公安部<关于经济犯罪案件追诉标准的规定>对"重大损失"的界定存在一定的问题,使得司法实践中出现的一些情况难以按照该规定处理,应该进一步完善.司法解释将刑法规定的"重大损失"限定为"直接经济损失",同时又没有说明其具体含义,适用起来会出现矛盾,应该改为经济损失,包括通常意义上的直接经济损失和间接经济损失;行为人的经营性收益不应当认定为权利人遭受的损失;行为人非法转让商业秘密获得的收益,应当认定为权利人受到的经济损失.     

Between the street and Aso Rock*: the role of Nigerian trade unions in popular protests

The trade unions’ instrumental role in four decades of successful popular resistance against subsidy removals is widely recognised, but insufficiently understood due to inadequate consideration of the particularities of labour. The subsidy contestations are considered a barometer of Nigerian politics, and the 2012 subsidy protests – often referred as Occupy Nigeria – was one of the largest popular mobilisations in Nigerian history. Whereas unionists described the outcome as a successful demonstration of popular sovereignty, other protesters blamed the unions for unfulfilled democratic opportunities and for succumbing to bribery. With labour theoretical perspectives, this article critically examines the trade unions’ positions, actions and relations during those protests. The article demonstrates, in practice, not only how the unions’ capacities to mobilise, strike and negotiate, were instrumental to the reinstatement of the subsidy, but also how trade unions’ agency is both enabled and constrained by labour's multiple embeddedness in state, civil society and the market.     

Free trade agreements and “economic territory” as a geoeconomic imaginary in South Korea

Since the early 2000s, the discourse of “economic territory” has surfaced in conjunction with economic neoliberalization in South Korea. This paper argues that economic territory as a geoeconomic imaginary not only facilitated the expansion of free trade agreements as an accumulation strategy but also served as a hegemonic project which masked the nature of an accumulation strategy as a class project and consolidated political legitimacy by manipulating nationalism. To examine this linkage, it critically draws upon the idea of cultural political economy (CPE) developed by Lancaster-based sociologists Bob Jessop and Ngai-Ling Sum. This paper offers a fresh and more substantial interpretation of South Korea’s political economy and opens up new analytical space for CPE.