高校专利成果转化障碍法律制度研究

专利的价值不是体现在专利的所有权上,而是体现在专利的实施、转化等运作所带来的商业价值上。如果仅仅获得了专利的所有权而不去转化、实施,则无疑是对专利资产的一种浪费。截至2012年,我国个人专利技术转化率还不到5%;高校的专利转化率也只有5%;专利技术实施率仅为0.29%。转化障碍的状况很大程度上缘于我国高校专利成果转化法律制度的不完善。立法不足对高校专利成果转化造成了很大的制约。我国亟须加快高校专利成果转化方面的立法建设,为高校专利成果转化提供一个良好的法律制度环境。     

高等教育发展中的政府角色与教育立法

我国高等教育发展中的政府角色是由政府的职权与职责、行为及其方式、对行政相对人合法权益的保护等多方面内容综合予以体现的。对政府角色进行定位是教育立法中的核心问题之一,它是教育立法中确定立法的目标、原则、内容时必须涉及的问题。政府角色的转换与教育法律法规的制定、修改之间亦是相辅相成、密不可分。高等教育领域中,我国政府正由单纯的管理型政府向有限政府、治理型政府、责任型政府、服务型政府等多元角色转换,对此,立法将作出必要的回应:软法与硬法的混合治理、教育行政行为方式多样化与手段柔性化、对行政相对人进行全面救济将是未来教育立法的主要趋势。     

西方国家授权立法监督模式及其对我国的启示

授权立法自产生以来,在社会生活中发挥了重要作用。为防止和避免授权立法对人民的自由和权力可能造成的危害,各国在肯定授权立法的同时,也都建立了各自的授权立法监督模式。本文在考察西方国家授权立法监督模式的基础上,提出了完善我国授权立法监督模式的构想：一是在立法机关中设置专门的机构对授权立法进行监督;二是赋予法院对授权立法（主要是行政机关的授权立法）的司法审查权。     

中美侵犯商标权犯罪刑事立法比较

日益凸显的侵犯商标权犯罪对我国商标权法律保护体系发出了挑战.由于特殊的历史文化背景、法律制度及国情,美国的知识产权保护制度走在了世界的前列,将其与我国的商标权刑事保护制度进行多方面的比较研究,可以获得许多有益的启示,对发展、完善我国的商标权刑事保护法律制度具有积极的作用.     

Towards a Theory of Institutionalized Judicial Exceptionalism

What happens when the exception becomes the norm, what happens when the law becomes a form for that which cannot have a legal form, that is, the political? The focus of this article is a form of power politics that is institutionalised and set up to work side by side with the existing legal system as a sort of normalized, co‐ordinated court procedure, initiated with the aim of subjecting specific groups (terrorists, criminals) to extended regulatory control and enforcement. These strategic bureaucratic mechanisms of exclusion appear as security enforced measures, which side by side with the existing ‘normal’ legal system govern a specific judicial‐political area. The normalised (or rooted, if one wishes) incorporation of extra‐judicial authority within the legal system will in the article be refered to as institutionalised judicial exceptionalism. The purpose of the article is to theorise and conceptualise the in many ways murky or indistinct phenomenon of institutionalised judicial exceptionalism.This task includes suggesting a model capable of assimilating within its theory the displacement in the relationship between the state, the law and the citizen that stems from the fact that the ever more securitized discourses on terrorism and crime increasingly take priority over the ordinarily non‐derogable principle of equality before the law.     

司法鉴定立法比较之法理研判——以新《刑事诉讼法》与新《民事诉讼法》为视角

2012年修改并通过的《刑事诉讼法》和《民事诉讼法》已于今年1月1日实施。两大新诉讼法对证据制度,包括证据种类、证明标准等内容进行了重大改革。其中,对于司法实践中证据地位凸显的鉴定意见,两大诉讼法也做了调整,包括完善鉴定人出庭制度、专家辅助人制度、鉴定人保护、鉴定人选任等。但因两大诉讼法性质不同,新刑诉法和新民诉法对相关内容做了不同规定,对于其是否符合立法统一性、是否具有合理性、是否与其诉讼性质相一致,有必要从法学理论角度层面予以释明与检视。     

Policy-makers’ perceptions on their sex offender laws: the good,the bad,and the ugly

The views and attitudes that lawmakers have about sexual offenders and sexual victimization can be influential in criminal lawmaking. And given the popularity of sex offender laws, policy-makers are central players in how state justice systems respond to sex crimes. Therefore, state-level policy-makers from across the country, who sponsored and passed at least one sex offender law in their state, (n?=?61) were interviewed about sex offenders and sex crimes. Policy-makers believe sex offender laws are too broad. The laws extend to nonviolent offenses, low-risk offenders, and thus dilute the law enforcement potency of sex offender registries. Policy-makers view existing sex offender laws as necessary to enhance public safety and as proof that lawmakers are responding to the needs and concerns of the public. Sex offender laws were also discussed as a source of political capital; a way to help ensure reelection. The sexual victimization of children and the media’s coverage of sex crimes were instrumental in these state-level policy-makers’ decisions to sponsor sex offender laws. Policy and research recommendations are offered.     

克隆人立法的宪法规制

克隆羊"多莉"诞生以来,克隆技术迅猛发展,克隆人问题的现实性日益彰显。我国秉持"禁止生殖性克隆、支持治疗性克隆"的指导思想,出台了相关规章禁止克隆人。然而,目前我国克隆人的相关立法有违背宪法上的法律保留原则和比例原则之嫌,存在着合宪性问题。建议全国人大根据法律保留和比例原则制定专门的《克隆技术管理法》,明确界定克隆人的相关概念,禁止任何人从事生殖性克隆,并明确规定监管机关的监管职责以及违法应当承担的法律责任,同时将生殖性克隆入罪、明确立法的"落日条款",以消解当前克隆人立法的合宪性问题,实现克隆人立法的宪法规制。     

论我国规制网络言论立法之完善

法律在规制网络言论中具有重要作用,目前世界上多数国家都有规制网络言论的法律规定。我国规制网络言论的立法覆盖面广,各领域基本做到了有法可依,但存在立法层次低、权威性不够以及法制不统一等问题。完善规制网络言论的立法,应遵循必要性原则、明确性原则和公众参与原则。国务院应加强对行政法规、规章的审查和清理工作。全国人大常委会应适时出台《网络信息管理法》和《个人信息保护法》。     

Defending the organisation,not the members: Unions and the reform of job security legislation in Western Europe

European labour markets are often described as rigid with comparatively high levels of job protection that do not allow for the flexible adjustment of employment to economic fluctuations. This interpretation overlooks important sources of flexibility, however. Research has shown that recent labour market policy reforms have allowed for the creation of two‐tier labour markets consisting of insiders in standard employment relationships and outsiders in non‐standard employment. This outcome has typically been explained by pointing to the representational interests of unions or social‐democratic parties. It has been argued that rather than protecting all labour market participants, unions and social‐democratic parties focus on the interests of their members and their core constituency, respectively, most of whom are in standard employment relationships. In contrast, it is argued here that unions' institutional power resources are the crucial variable explaining this outcome. In difficult economic times, when unions are asked to make concessions, they will assent to labour market reforms, but only to those that do not fundamentally threaten to undermine their organisational interests. In the context of job security legislation, this means that unions defend the protection of permanent contracts while they compromise on the regulation of temporary employment. This ‘second best solution’ allows them to protect their organisational interests, both by retaining their institutional role in the administration of dismissals and by living up to their institutional role as one of the organisations responsible for the direction of labour market policy reform. Using fsQCA this article shows that unions' institutional power resources are more apt to explain the observed two‐tier reform pattern than the unions' or the social‐democratic parties' representational interests.