大鼠机械性损伤后皮下肌肉出血的病理学观察

目的 观察生前机械性损伤后不同时间皮下肌肉出血的病理形态学变化.方法 56只SD大鼠随机分成生前损伤组(48只)、死后损伤组(4只)和正常对照组(4只);生前损伤组按不同时间再分为12组,建立机械性损伤模型;用HE及普鲁干蓝染色法观察皮下肌肉出血的病理形态学变化.结果 HE染色:生前损伤6～24h,损伤区见较多红细胞及...     

应用分子印迹固相萃取法提取血液中大隆和溴敌隆

目的采用分子印迹固相萃取,UPLC/MS分析,检验血液中大隆和溴敌隆。方法以大隆为模板分子,丙烯酰胺为单体,二甲基亚砜为有机溶剂,按照模板分子与单体摩尔配比关系为1∶4合成大隆分子印迹聚合物,作为固相萃取剂萃取血液中大隆和溴敌隆,以2×1mL去离子水、1mL 30%甲醇去离子水洗涤杂质,2×1mL 1%甲酸/甲醇洗脱,提取血中目标物后进行UPLC/MS分析检测。结果溴敌隆和大隆回收率均在90%以上,在50～500ng/mL浓度范围内线性关系良好r,2溴敌隆为0.998 4,大隆为0.991,检测限（S/N=5/1）低于10ng/mL。结论本方法回收率高,基质效应降低,杂质干扰少,可用于血液中低浓度大隆和溴敌隆的检验。     

分子印迹固相萃取法在血中苯丙胺类毒品分析中的应用

目的建立分子印迹固相萃取（MISPE）、GC/MS分析方法,用于血液中苯丙胺类毒品检测。方法 10mmol/L醋酸铵缓冲液（pH8.0）4倍稀释空白添加血液,1mL甲醇,1mL10mmol/L醋酸铵缓冲液（pH8.0）活化苯丙胺类分子印迹固相萃取柱;2×1mL去离子水、1mL60%的乙腈去离子水、1mL1%醋酸乙腈洗涤杂质;2×1mL1%甲酸/甲醇洗脱,洗脱液挥干定容,经GC/NPD、GC/MS分析检测。结果各种苯丙胺类毒品回收率均在90%以上,在20～5 000ng/mL浓度范围内线性关系良好,r2为0.995 7～0.998 9,LOQ在16～30ng/mL之间,LOD在8～15ng/mL之间。结论本方法回收率高,净化效果显著,稳定性好,杂质干扰少,可用于血液中低浓度苯丙胺类毒品的分析检测。     

固相萃取-液相色谱-串联质谱法测定全血中多塞平

目的建立固相萃取-液相色谱-串联质谱（SPE-LC-MS/MS）分析全血中多塞平的方法。方法以阿米替林为内标,全血样品经固相萃取处理后,通过液相色谱-串联质谱技术进行检测（电喷雾离子源正离子方式,多反应监测模式）。监测离子对m/z多塞平为280→107、280→235、280→220,阿米替林为278→233。多塞平和阿米替林的保留时间分别为15.15min和16.94min。结果全血中多塞平在0.005～1.00μg/mL质量浓度范围内呈线性关系,线性方程为y=3.2047x＋0.0339,相关系数（r）=0.9996,检出限为0.001μg/mL;平均提取回收率为78.0%～82.9%,日内精密度〈2.55%,日间精密度〈5.90%。结论本方法快速简便、灵敏、重现性好,适用于全血中多塞平的检测。     

全血中扎来普隆两种萃取方法的比较

目的建立血样中扎来普隆的液液萃取和固相萃取方法。方法液液萃取方法是在碱性条件下用二氯甲烷提取。固相萃取是采用OasisHLB固相萃取柱提取,萃取液均用GC/NPD检验,并对其进行比较。结果血样中扎来普隆固相萃取平均回收率达89%以上,液液萃取平均回收率为84%,GC/NPD最低检出限为2×10-2μg.mL-1。结论两种方法均能满足实际检案的需求,而固相萃取方法在减少仪器损耗和内源性杂质干扰方面具有较大的优势。     

PROTECTING LIVES,CAREERS, AND PUBLIC CONFIDENCE: FLORIDA'S EFFORTS TO PREVENT OFFICER‐INVOLVED DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

Florida's innovative Law Enforcement Families Partnership (LEFP) was created to reduce and prevent officer‐involved domestic violence in the state. Administered by the Institute for Family Violence Studies at Florida State University and supported by the criminal justice and victim's advocacy communities, the LEFP is the first statewide project of its kind. It includes several components, the cornerstone of which is an online curriculum that teaches officers about the dynamics and consequences of domestic violence perpetrated by officers. This article describes the project and early data from the surveys attached to the curriculum.     

Ideology and the University

Ideology underpins recent transformations of British universities; it forms an unquestioned backdrop to policy‐making. The ideology at issue is a market‐based neo‐liberalism—accompanied by a doctrinaire private‐sector managerialism. Universities employing this ideology envision it as common sense. The ideology is thus not proselytised, but rather structures the vernacular of university speech. In reality it is a highly politicised ideology masquerading as a managerial reality. Its effect on universities has been profoundly destructive. The dignified public good of higher education has now become a huckstering marketised mechanism. What is so perplexing is the quiescence of universities. The ideology is so hegemonic that it appears exempt from criticism. University administrators are now quite unapologetic ideological functionaries and we need to relearn how to criticise those who manage us. Ultimately no ideology lasts, this present one will be supplanted, the question is what level of damage to civil and intellectual life will it inflict?     

The Contradictory Political Economy of Higher Education in the United Kingdom

The Coalition government's first Comprehensive Spending Review will cut 40% from university budgets by 2014. This will result in an increasingly tension‐prone political economy of UK higher education. As it is, the sector already sits uncomfortably astride the two distinct welfare models currently in existence in Britain. As the fees agenda has taken hold, university degrees have been increasingly susceptible to being rebranded as a strategic investment in the future, thus acting as an exemplar for the move towards an asset‐based system of welfare. Despite this, even in the post‐Browne world students will still not be charged the full market price of delivering degree programmes. Higher education institutions therefore continue to be redistributive mechanisms providing long‐term welfare‐enhancing transfer payments to their overwhelmingly middle‐class student base. The budget cuts and the associated changes to student finance will bring into stark relief the contradictions of serving two welfare masters at once.     

Delivering Science into Public Policy: An Analysis of Murray‐Darling Basin Sustainable Yields Assessment as a Model for Impact

The desire to base policy at least in part upon scientific information is a clear trend in Australian governance. The growing literature on how to facilitate this intent highlights a few important principles complemented by examples from the application of social sciences. An example from a very large research project based on physical sciences responding to a national crisis is presented in the context of how it approached delivery to policy‐makers. The Murray‐Darling Basin Sustainable Yields Assessment, widely considered an outstanding success in both scientific terms and for its impact, is reviewed with respect to how the scientific challenge of assessing the future security of water resources in Australia's most important and politically contentious catchment translated into the policy domain. The lessons learned offer a potential template for science with policy intent.     

Advising Ministers – The Special Problem of Defence

Successive Australian Defence Ministers have been frustrated and occasionally embarrassed by the quality of advice and information provided to them by the Defence organisation. Decades of reviews and reorganisations have failed to find solutions to the special difficulties that Defence faces in providing accurate, timely information and advice to ministers across the broad spectrum of their responsibilities. This article argues that there are multiple explanations for the concerns that are frequently expressed about its policy advisory capacity – most of which are inherent to Defence organisations around the world. While the Defence culture of secrecy is partly responsible, other factors such as the scale of Defence's operations, the multiple cultures that exist within it (military, civilian, and intelligence) that make coherence harder than in more homogenous departments, the long‐time horizons of defence planning as well as the high costs of procurement, must also be considered. The erosion of trust between the organisation and minister has been exacerbated by the intense scrutiny of the media that overburdens ministers and adds another layer of complexity to their role. As history shows, there are push and pull factors that continue to embroil ministers in the minutiae of defence difficulties, while the complexity and scale of operations will undoubtedly continue to impact on the timeliness of advice.