The changing political economy of Taiwan‐Southeast Asia relations

This paper examines the possibility that the United States could ‘capture’ the Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and use it to impose America's economic agenda on the region. It discusses Washington's ability to shape the choices of APEC's East Asian members at APEC negotiations to reflect US interests through employing its military, economic, cultural, and ideological resources as instruments of leverage and influence. While interdependence constrains Washington's use of military and/or economic leverage to influence the choices of APEC's East Asian members, the complex bargaining and consensual decision‐making features of APEC further prevent Washington from imposing its agenda on APEC. On the other hand, Washington's capture of APEC could be facilitated if East Asian policy‐making elites were socialized through the APEC process to accept American norms. This would tend to lead to preference convergence since the values of both the US and East Asia would coincide. The analysis suggests, however, that American norms are unlikely to prevail within APEC in the near to medium term primarily because APEC's East Asian members consider East Asian norms to be superior. American culture and especially ideology are not sufficiently attractive to East Asian elites and are thus unable to be used as instruments of influence. For these reasons, the paper concludes that the United States will find it difficult to impose its economic agenda on the region through APEC.     

Comparative Politics and the Synthetic Control Method

In recent years, a widespread consensus has emerged about the necessity of establishing bridges between quantitative and qualitative approaches to empirical research in political science. In this article, we discuss the use of the synthetic control method as a way to bridge the quantitative/qualitative divide in comparative politics. The synthetic control method provides a systematic way to choose comparison units in comparative case studies. This systematization opens the door to precise quantitative inference in small‐sample comparative studies, without precluding the application of qualitative approaches. Borrowing the expression from Sidney Tarrow, the synthetic control method allows researchers to put “qualitative flesh on quantitative bones.” We illustrate the main ideas behind the synthetic control method by estimating the economic impact of the 1990 German reunification on West Germany.     

后乡土社会视角下农民集中居住区秩序重建及反思--基于苏北的实证调查北大核心SSCI

随着乡村振兴战略全面实施及新农村建设深入推进,人口、产业、生态等资源要素在城乡互惠流动的同时,传统乡土性逐渐消解式微,如何重塑后乡土社会地域认同及整合机制是农民集中居住区重建的关键。基于后乡土社会理论视角,从地域空间、组织体系及社会结构维度考察苏北农民集中居住区秩序重建的实践过程发现,完成物理空间整合的农民集中居住区依然不同程度延续着传统乡土社会整合机制,使得现代普遍主义价值取向的地域关联及社会认同机制难以有效建立,后乡土社会样态的农民集中居住区公共性重建缺乏必要的社会基础。因此,如何突破制度红利型动力机制及行政主导实践逻辑重塑后乡土社会整合机制,就成为农民集中居住区重建地域公共性并顺利过渡到社会生活共同体的关键。     

Evidence Based Policy: Principles of Transparency and Accountability

This article provides a practical guide for improving the quality of evidence‐based policy. Rather than adopting an approach that gives priority to particular types of research methodologies, this paper argues that evidence drawn from any methodology will improve if standards of transparency and accountability are followed in the process of gathering, analysing, interpreting, and presenting evidence for policy. The papers details what these standards of transparency and accountability mean in practice, how these standards can be achieved, and possible limits to their adoption.     

Silence and Catastrophe: New Reasons Why Politics Matters in the Early Years of the Twenty‐first Century

Megaprojects are systems of highly concentrated power whose footprints, or radius of effects, are without precedent in human history. Once upon a time, even under imperial conditions, most people on our planet lived and loved, worked and played within geographically limited communities. They never had to reckon with all of humanity as a factor in their daily lives. Whenever they acted recklessly within their environment, for instance, they had the option of moving on, safe in the knowledge that there was plenty of Earth and not many others. Whenever bad things happened, they happened within limits. Their effects were local. The politics of megaprojects radically alters this equation; it poses new questions about the governance of risk and the nature and limits of democratic politics. The politics of megaprojects—put simply—raises fundamental questions about the ‘life and death of democracy’.     

我国基本实现现代化的经济学思考

现代化作为一场深刻的社会变革,其核心是经济现代化;“生产力跨越式发展”是我国在本世纪中叶基本实现现代化的现实路径;经济结构调整、科教兴国和可持续发展,是保证现代化目标实现的三大基本经济战略。     

论心理测试程序的阶段划分

心理测试程序可以划分为测试前阶段、测试中阶段和测试后阶段。测试前阶段可分为受理测试、测前准备和测前谈话三个部分;测试中阶段可分为连接传感器、激励测试和计划测试三个部分;测试后阶段可分为评析图谱、测后谈话和作出测试结论三个部分。     

State,Society and Markets in Argentina: The Political Economy of Neodesarrollismo under Néstor Kirchner, 2003–2007

The national Peronist social contract in Argentina has a long history rooted in syndicalism and populism. However, Menemismo in the 1990s, El Argentinazo in December 2001, and Kirchnerismo post crisis have all served to change the fundamental framework of the Argentine economy, the social underpinnings of that economy and how it intersects with global capital. This article is an attempt to identify the nature of Kirchner's administration through analysis of political economy, therefore seeking to facilitate a deeper understanding of the developmental nature and impact of the Kirchner administration of 2003–2007.     

Can We Blame it on Rio?

The Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games were the last major sporting event in a decade‐long cycle in the Brazilian metropolis. In the years leading up to the Rio 2016 Summer Olympic Games, the city's urban planning agenda was captured by the exogenous demands of hosting the quadrennial spectacular. This capture has exacerbated four tendencies that will pertain in Rio de Janeiro for the foreseeable future: consolidation of consumer sovereignty, restructuring of urban circulations, financialisation of urban territories, and securitisation of exception.     

Migration Pessimism and the Subjective Well‐Being of Migrant Households in Mexico

A new migration pessimism argues that the economic benefits of international labour migration for migrant households may not justify the social costs. This article provides a test of this argument based on the author's survey of 304 households in Jerez municipio (municipality), Zacatecas, Mexico, in 2009. The results indicate that active households (those with at least one migrant abroad) perceived their economic situation to have improved more, but both their social cohesion and their happiness to be less than those of non‐active households. Social cohesion (family unity and maintenance of values) is shown to be pivotal in the happiness differential enjoyed by the non‐active households.