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191.
《异议复议规定》第30条作为预告登记权利人提出案外人异议的审查依据,因其中"排除异议"及"符合物权登记条件"在解释上易生歧义,致实务适用意见不一。依执行理论,除所有权外,何种权利始可排除强制执行,应依实体法之性质、效力及执行目的或方法确定。经预告登记之权利并非实体权利,其性质应为兼具物权性、债权性及从属性的请求权。目前,我国预告登记在强制执行中的效力,立法未臻明确,但结合我国预告登记实体法之"再处分禁止效力"及"不动产登记簿冻结效力",藉由目的解释,应将《物权法》第20条第1款之"处分"进行扩张,使其效力覆盖强制拍卖、变卖等"处分"性执行措施。而案外人据以《异议复议规定》第30条提出异议的,法院不应适用于商品房预售合同备案登记、网签及受让物权预告登记以外的其他预告登记之情形,其"符合物权登记条件"之确认,应参照预告登记转本登记之理论,采实务通说之标准,具化为满足合法有效的商品房买卖合同,已办理预告登记及支付全部价款或依约定支付价款之要件。 相似文献
192.
This study examines the relationship between policy interventions by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and de jure labor rights. Combining two novel data sets with unprecedented country-year coverage – leximetric data on labor laws and disaggregated data on IMF conditionality – our analysis of up to 70 developing countries from 1980 to 2014 demonstrates that IMF-mandated labor market policy measures significantly reduce both individual and collective labor rights. Once we control for the effect of labor market policy measures, however, we find that collective labor rights increase in the wake of IMF programs. We argue that this result is explained by the impact of union pressure on governments which, in such a context, are imbued with the policy space to respond to domestic interest groups. The study has broader theoretical implications as to when international organizations are effective in constraining governments’ choices. 相似文献
193.
刘光宇 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2019,34(1):17-22
民办幼儿园教职工队伍已逐步成为我国学前教育的主力军,其权益维护状况直接影响着这支队伍的稳定与发展,由于价值观念、顶层设计、制度落实等方面因素的影响,民办幼儿园教职工队伍存在着不公、不畅、不明朗的障碍,本文从北京市民办幼儿园教职工权益维护面临的就业、收入、安全、保障、参与、职业发展等方面的实际问题入手,通过系统研究分析,提出了相应的政策建议。 相似文献
194.
Bosmat Yefet 《中东研究》2019,55(4):638-654
This article discusses the Muslim discourse concerning the Coptic Christian minority since the 2000s in Egypt. Emphasizing the effects of the January 2011 uprising, the paper analyzes the role of nationalism and the national unity discourse in suppressing the debate regarding discrimination against the Copts. Despite the fissures that were created in the discourse, which rejects any reference to discrimination against the Copts, the Coptic issue remains trapped among the contested interpretations of national unity. All narratives of national unity and Egyptian essence, whether the official one pursued by the regime or the one promoted by pro-democracy activists, require the Copts to suppress their demand for rights for the sake of national unity. Adherence to the national unity discourse by all forces precludes the possibility of developing a form of nationalism or a national culture which embodies pluralism of identities and cultures and reinforces the role of nationalism as a tool for stifling pluralism and democracy for all Egyptians, whether Muslim majority or minorities. 相似文献
195.
Roberto G. Gonzales 《Society》2009,46(5):419-422
Changes in immigration laws over the last three to four decades have given rise to unprecedented numbers of undocumented children.
However, as others have argued, policies regarding the control of undocumented migration have had deleterious effects on undocumented
children and their basic access to social rights. Undocumented youth in the United States can legally attend K-12 education,
but cannot legally work, vote, receive financial aid, or drive in most states. Their situation calls for a reexamination of
immigration laws and a recasting of the frame that has been used to promote their inclusion.
R. G. Gonzales is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood. 相似文献
Roberto G. GonzalesEmail: |
R. G. Gonzales is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood. 相似文献
196.
Gwyneth C. McClendon 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(3):349-372
International criminal tribunals are weak institutions, especially since they do not have their own police forces to execute
arrest warrants. Understandably then, much of the existing literature has focused exclusively on pressure from major powers
and on changing domestic politics to explain the apprehension of suspected war criminals. In contrast, this article turns
attention back to the tribunals themselves. I propose three ways in which the activities of international criminal tribunals
impact compliance with arrest warrants: through the selection of individuals to indict, demonstrated leniency on some suspects
and outreach to domestic legal professionals. Using a duration model that accounts for sample selection and data collected
on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, I test
these theories alongside other existing explanations. I find that court activities can have an independent effect on the successful
implementation of international criminal law.
相似文献
Gwyneth C. McClendonEmail: |
197.
Lydia Morris 《Citizenship Studies》2009,13(4):365-379
This paper examines a civil society challenge to UK government legislation withdrawing welfare support from asylum seekers who do not claim on entry to the country. Drawing on the work of Habermas and Alexander, it considers the role of the courts as a deliberative space and elaborates the scope for civil repair in the case of a group rendered marginal by the law. In so doing, it also suggests how links could be made with the broadened conception of citizenship proposed by Isin and Turner. 相似文献
198.
Franklin Oduro 《Citizenship Studies》2009,13(6):621-639
Ghana's tortuous journey to democracy received a major boost in the year 2006 with the enactments of two human-rights-related pieces of legislation. In this article the author contends, on the one hand, that the recent enactments of an amendment to the law on representation of the people and the persons with disability law in Ghana constituted a noteworthy landmark in the search for inclusive citizenship. On the other hand, the relation between society and the political authority during the processes of the enactments highlighted characteristics of a post-colonial African state. The author explores the antagonisms that surrounded the enactments of these laws. The article concludes that although the Ghanaian experience represents a new wave of re-thinking of rights in Africa, it also underscores the deep-seated issues of contestation and negotiations that unavoidably accompany the expansion of democracy and extension of rights to the excluded and the marginalized. 相似文献
199.
Daniel P. L. Chong 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):183-204
In recent years, dozens of human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) across the globe have begun to advocate for
economic and social rights, which represents a significant expansion of the human rights movement. This article investigates
a central strategy that NGOs have pursued to realize these rights: legalization. Legalization involves specifying rights as
valid legal rules and enforcing them through judicial or quasi-judicial processes. After documenting some of the progress
made toward legalization, the article analyzes five unique challenges involved in legalizing economic and social rights. It
is important to identify these challenges because they must be overcome if the human rights movement wishes to refute the
notion that economic and social rights are inherently non-justiciable (and therefore, to some, invalid as rights). These challenges also point to the possibility that legalization is not the only, or even the best, strategic pathway to
realize economic and social rights effectively.
相似文献
Daniel P. L. ChongEmail: |
200.
隐私是一个动态、发展的概念,其内容不是一成不变的,而是随着社会政治、经济、文化的发展和人们隐私意识的提高,其内涵不断丰富,外延不断扩展。政治上,公私领域的划分是其存在和发展的前提;经济上,生产力和科学技术的发展为其存在和发展提供了物质基础;心理上,人们对本能、自我保护和自我实现的需要为其存在和发展创造了动力;文化上,不同的文化传统使其存在和发展更具多样性。隐私是一种事实状态,不等同于隐私权的客体,更不等同于隐私权。 相似文献