盘查程序与相对人的协助义务

盘查是在宪法规定的迁徙自由的情境下产生的一种警察应对措施。赋予警察盘查权,实现了从＂静态执法＂向＂动态执法＂的转变,增加了警察执法的机动性、灵活性和应变能力,适应了由计划经济向市场经济转轨之后社会治安形势发生的变化与要求。对盘查的控制,主要通过程序来完成。这是盘查的随机性、及时性、合成性等属性使然。一方面,要充分发挥程序对相对人权益的保障作用,另一方面,程序也不能过于繁琐、影响行政效率。而对于相对人的协助义务,无论是国内还是国外尚无定论,是亟待理论进一步回应、有待实践努力解决的一个重要问题。     

国际经济行政法基本原则：平等保护与正当程序

国际经济行政法是调整跨国经济行政关系的国际、国内公法规范与原则的总和,换言之,国际经济行政法是政府规制市场的国际协调法。权利平等保护原则与正当程序原则分别从实体和程序两方面体现了国际经济行政法中的公平正义价值。从法理基础看,这两项原则既是理性精神的反映,也是市场经济发展和全球化趋势的必然要求,以及长期法律实践的结果,它对国际经济行政法领域提出了全新的标准。从实在法角度考察权利平等保护原则与正当程序原则在国际经济行政法领域的具体体现主要有国民待遇、最惠国待遇原则及反补贴制度,WTO对国内程序法的要求及WTO争端解决机制等。需要进一步完善这些制度,旨在从形式的平等过渡到实质的平等,建立平等互利基础上的国际经济法治与宪政规则。     

单身男性生育权探析

生育权作为人的一项基本权利,理应受到保护,但生育权的主体范围则是一直以来争论不断的问题。单身男性是否享有生育权,目前我国法律还没有明确规定,学术界也没有形成统一认识。单身男性生育权存在有其合理性与必要性,呼吁国家建立专门的法律制度对其予以规范和保护。     

侦查阶段律师在场权制度的理性思考

侦查阶段是整个刑事诉讼过程的基础,只有保证侦查的公正,才能实现审判的公正。在侦查阶段能不能赋予律师在场权,与国家社会经济发展水平、刑事法治传统与现状等密切相关。侦查阶段律师在场权制度固然具有积极作用,但从我国诉讼价值和政策的实现、引入的理由、侦查机关对口供的依赖性和影响其建立的其他因素等方面分析可以看出,目前在我国建立该制度的条件尚不具备,故对侦查阶段律师在场权应当持慎重的态度,并通过建立相关替代措施来加以解决。     

农村承包地调整制度的法规范分析

现行农村承包地调整制度主要集中体现在我国物权法、农村土地承包法、草原法及土地管理法中,同时还深受相关农地政策的影响。该制度既有保护农民土地承包经营权益的正面效应,同时也存在一定不足。应以尊重农民合法权益为价值目标,充分发挥农民的主体意识,进一步明晰土地承包经营权的享有主体;遵循财产权的基本原理和土地承包经营权的特性,完善土地承包经营权变动制度;在现行制度框架内构建多元化的调整模式,使承包地调整制度能够真正遵循物权理念进行构建。     

物上请求权性质论

我国的诉讼时效制度原则上只适用于债权请求权,但大陆法系国家在某些物上请求权中同样适用时效制度,以贯彻物尽其用的物权法之立法原则.这对我国的物权立法有着借鉴意义,在分析哪些物上请求权可以适用时效规定之前,必须释明物上请求权的性质,以探求其适用时效制度的合理性.     

我国电视购物的相关法律问题探析

电视购物以其直观、便利、快捷等优势吸引了众多消费者,优厚的利润空间使一些急功近利的商家任意夸大产品功效、恶意欺骗消费者,致使电视购物行业遭遇寒冬,行业信誉降低。文章在界定了电视购物区别于一般商业广告的基础上,分析我国目前电视购物存在的现状及法律问题,并提出以保护消费者权益为核心完善相应的法律法规,以促进我国电视购物市场健康发展。     

我国生育权制度的立法构想

对于关乎人类发展的生育行为及后果,人们越来越习惯用法律的视角去审视,生育权问题已成为法学研究的一个热点。在我国,由于有关生育权立法的不完善和不统一,加之现代社会科技的发展和人们选择价值观念的多元化,近年来出现了许多新型的生育权纠纷,导致法院在面临该类纠纷时＂无法可依＂,直接对我国生育权立法形成了挑战,也使得关于生育权问...     

Political discourse networks and the conflict over software patents in Europe

In 2005, the European Parliament rejected the directive ‘on the patentability of computer‐implemented inventions’, which had been drafted and supported by the European Commission, the Council and well‐organised industrial interests, with an overwhelming majority. In this unusual case, a coalition of opponents of software patents prevailed over a strong industry‐led coalition. In this article, an explanation is developed based on political discourse showing that two stable and distinct discourse coalitions can be identified and measured over time. The apparently weak coalition of software patent opponents shows typical properties of a hegemonic discourse coalition. It presents itself as being more coherent, employs a better‐integrated set of frames and dominates key economic arguments, while the proponents of software patents are not as well‐organised. This configuration of the discourse gave leeway for an alternative course of political action by the European Parliament. The notion of discourse coalitions and related structural features of the discourse are operationalised by drawing on social network analysis. More specifically, discourse network analysis is introduced as a new methodology for the study of policy debates. The approach is capable of measuring empirical discourses both statically and in a longitudinal way, and is compatible with the policy network approach.     

Romania and EUrope: Roma,Rroma and Ţigani as sites for the contestation of ethno-national identities

ABSTRACT

In November 2002 a Romanian journalist published an editorial attacking the Romanian authorities for 'playing the democratic card' and failing to prevent 'thieves, hooligans and criminals' from going to the West and disgracing all Romanians. The journalist, Lia Epure, entitled her article 'Rromania', a play on the Romanian government's spelling of Roma (i.e. 'Rroma'), and concluded that, if Romanians 'continue to accept identification with abnormals, then we will be become Rromania'. In response to vocal Romani and human rights group protests, Epure published a second article defending her right to say what 'even the president of the European Commission knows', that Romanians are not accepted as EUropean 'because of ?igani'. Woodcock explores how both elite and popular levels of Romanian discourse blame Romania's continued marginalization in EUrope on the actions of the ?igan, a fantastic Other, historically constructed out of ethno-nationalist Romanian discourses at moments of crisis for national identity. The discursive struggles for meaning with regard to the constructed ethnic Other highlight the paradox of post-socialist Romanian ethno-nationalism in an era of European Union accession: in order to be recognized as EUropean, Romanian discourse must relinquish the ?igan Other, even when it is this precise construction that has historically enabled Romania to claim a European identity.