犯罪场语境下的被害预防

在犯罪场中研究犯罪人和被害人的互动,通过预防被害来控制犯罪,无疑是预防犯罪的一条有益的路径。在对传统犯罪场理论批判的基础上,对犯罪场进行重构,主张建立以犯罪人和被害人双向互动为中心的犯罪场,并用系统论的方法分析犯罪场中的基本要素,探讨犯罪场中各子系统内部的运动规律和各子系统相互间的运动规律,针对这些规律,提出了在犯罪场中预防被害的建议。     

“命案必破”的逻辑解析

“命案必破”是一个规范命题,承诺命题,同时又是一个必然模态命题。“命案必破”之因,产生了公安工作发展之果;公安工作发展之果又不断促进“命案必破”目标的实现;“命案必破”目标的不断实现必然促进社会治安秩序的稳定;社会治安秩序的稳定又为构建社会主义和谐社会提供强有力的保障。因此,无论从逻辑上对命题本身的解读,还是对命题与实践结果的因果分析,都可以得出一个结论,“命案必破”命题的提出不但是科学的,而且具有十分积极的社会意义。     

The effectiveness of NGO self‐regulation: theory and evidence from Africa

Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play an increasingly important role in public service provision and policy making in sub‐Saharan Africa, stimulating demand for new forms of regulatory oversight. In response, a number of initiatives in NGO self‐regulation have emerged. Using cross‐national data on 20 African countries, the article shows that self‐regulation in Africa falls into three types: national‐level guilds, NGO‐led clubs and voluntary codes of conduct. Each displays significant weaknesses from a regulatory policy perspective. National guilds have a broad scope, but require high administrative oversight capacity on the part of NGOs. Voluntary clubs have stronger standards but typically have much weaker coverage. Voluntary codes are the most common form of self‐regulation, but have the weakest regulatory strength. This article argues that the weakness of current attempts to improve the accountability and regulatory environment of NGOs stems in part from a mismatch between the goals of regulation and the institutional incentives embedded in the structure of most self‐regulatory regimes. The article uses the logic of collective action to illustrate the nature of this mismatch and the tradeoffs between the potential breadth and strength of various forms of NGO self‐regulation using three detailed case studies. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Between Interculturalism and Ethnocentrism: Local Government and the Indigenous Movement in Otavalo‐Ecuador

To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements.     

浅析网络诈骗犯罪的立案管辖

对于网络诈骗犯罪的管辖,如果盲目沿用固有的管辖规定,会严重影响打击防范网络诈骗犯罪的效果。为了方便侦查取证,此类案件的立案管辖需要在沿用传统管辖理论的基础上,针对网络诈骗犯罪手法的多样化、犯罪空间的虚拟性和犯罪的高科技性等特点进行新的解释和变动。传统的管辖规定将被害人所在地排除在管辖地之外,然而通过研究发现把被害人所在地作为管辖地更能满足打击网络诈骗犯罪的需要。     

少年司法中“宽严相济”刑事政策的应用——赵某、钱某故意伤害致人死亡一案的评析

青少年犯罪现象与日俱增，已经成为全社会共同关注的焦点问题。如何正确对待犯罪的青少年，怎样感化、引导他们，使他们重新回归社会、回归家庭，是司法工作人员所要面对的重要课题。在刑事审判中，要以法官为主导，正确贯彻“宽严相济”的刑事司法政策，通过个案达到法律效果和社会效果的统一，使“宽严相济”的刑事司法政策在构建社会主义和谐社会中发挥应有的作用。     

Bagehot Smiling: Gordon Brown's ‘New Constitution’ and the Revolution that Did Not Happen

The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination.     

SEX EDUCATION LEFT AT THE THRESHOLD OF THE SCHOOL DOOR: STRICTER REQUIREMENTS FOR PARENTAL OPT‐OUT PROVISIONS

Current state law creates the risk that, if sex education is not provided to a child in public school, no similar instruction will be given to the child. Legislatively enacted opt‐out provisions give parents broad control over their child's education by granting them the option to have their child excused from any sex education requirements within a public school's curriculum. Through public school sex education, professionals provide youth information aimed at protecting them from the dangers of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). A stricter statutory opt‐out provision should be enacted by state legislatures that only allows parents to excuse their child from sex education after a parent attends a 90‐minute STD prevention course and receives the instructional material used in the school's sex education curriculum. Parents should be provided up‐to‐date information and a structural framework designed by the school to encourage them to discuss with their child the many sexual issues addressed within a school's sex education curriculum.     

Free Expression,Pre‐Crime and Counter‐Terrorism Legislation

This article examines the Counter‐Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019 and how this new piece of legislation undermines fundamental human rights, including those protected in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). It considers in particular how the new act criminalises behaviour with a wide sweep, to include behaviour that is not in itself criminal, but might be indicative of future criminal intent. As a result, the act restricts the right to freedom of speech and to liberty in a manner that is neither necessary nor proportionate.     

Why Right‐Leaning Populism has Grown in the Most Advanced Liberal Democracies of Europe

Immigration and new class divisions, combined with a growing anti‐elitism and political correctness, are often used as explanations for the strong gains for right‐leaning populist parties in national elections across Europe in recent years. But contrary to what we might assume, such parties have been very successful in the most developed and comprehensive welfare states, in nations—such as the Nordic countries—with the best scores on economic equality and social inclusion and long established political and judicial institutions enjoying a high degree of popular legitimacy. As argued in this article, this seems to happen because a duopoly of the centre‐left and centre‐right political establishment has kept issues such as immigration and new class divisions off the public agenda and hence paved the way for right‐leaning ‘disruptor’ populist parties with an anti‐immigration agenda in times of increasing immigration.