恐怖犯罪活动的防范处置探究——以昆明“3·01”严重暴力恐怖案件为例

当前的恐怖犯罪活动已成现实威胁，对暴力恐怖犯罪活动以及“三股势力”分裂破坏活动需严厉打击。通过全方位地探析昆明“3·01”严重暴力恐怖案件发生的原因、经过和处置等过程，总结教训，应在工作机制、情报工作、社会管控、应急处置、反恐协作等方面加强探索与研究，以提升公安机关防范、打击和处置暴恐案件的针对性与实效性。     

人自贸区经济法规变迁看经济刑法的稳定性

上海自贸区成立，推动金融法规变迁，为自贸区经济繁荣敞开法律障碍。金融法规频繁修改在一定程度上影响到经济刑法罪与非罪的问题，也使刑法适用出现错节，影响经济刑罚稳定性。从经济犯罪法律规制的特点出发，结合罪状和法定刑，以本国经济立法习惯为原则，对构建经济刑法时注意问题予以说明，从而避免经济刑法频繁修改。     

侵财犯罪中之占有问题研究

占有是民法和刑法中的重要概念。刑法占有源自民法占有概念体系,但刑法学界往往强调其特殊性,忽视其同质性。在我国占有辅助人对物之占有,在民法或刑法中都不被认可。由于我国刑法规定的职务侵占罪具有特殊性,这使得占有辅助人的行为认定变得模糊不清。对等关系人的占有是简单的共同占有,共有人之一擅自处分占有物,构成侵占罪,而非盗窃罪。被委托的封缄物中内容物属于委托人单独占有,没有受托人占有或共同占有之余地。     

边境地区反恐背景下的基层民警培训研究——以新疆2013年恐怖暴力事件为例

边境地区恐怖暴力事件在案发、形态、背景以及案犯等方面各具特征。基层民警反恐应加强对恐怖信息的发现与追踪缉查、反恐意识的培养、对流动人口的监管及自我防范能力的提高等。基层民警反恐培训应强化反恐意识、明确反恐培训方向、细化培训目标、改革培训教材、创新培训方法及制定培训量化评价标准。     

袭警罪的刑事立法研究

近年来,我国境内暴力袭警事件频频发生,给人民的生活和社会的稳定带来了极大的危害。刑法作为国家最有强制力和威慑力的法律,理应对此引起足够的重视。从增设袭警罪的理论支撑、各国关于袭警罪的立法现状和我国增设袭警罪的立法构想三个方面看,增设袭警罪已经具有足够的必要性和迫切性。     

食品安全犯罪的侦查对策

当前食品安全问题依然严峻,随着公安机关近年来对其打击力度的加大,食品安全犯罪的特点也随之发生着变化,而犯罪特点的变化必然会使得公安机关的侦查对策得以调整。分析当前食品安全犯罪的主要特点,以此来制定相应的侦查对策,包括情报线索收集、信息研判、案件经营、侦查取证、协作侦查等方面,可为公安机关办理此类案件提供一定的理论参考。     

流动人口犯罪的基本趋势与防控对策

近些年来,随着社会的不断发展,流动人口规模不断扩大,在为社会发展注入生机与活力的同时,也不可避免地带来了流动人口犯罪这一社会问题,加强对流动人口管理,控制流动人口的犯罪也就更加必要。     

Social Hope and State Lawlessness

Abstract

Hope is a precious resource. But, deluded, not based on a sober appraisal of the relevant realities, hope can also be lethal. One kind of hope is utopian hope. It does not exhaust what social hope is, or should be, about. The hope of remedying the most terrible injustices makes an urgent call on our attention. The world has travelled some way from the time when tyrannical governments could act with impunity in dealing with those under their jurisdiction. But it has not travelled far enough. There remain a number of deficits in the system of international law: "thresholds of inhumanity".     

Against Humanitarian Impunity: Rethinking Responsibility for Displacement and Disaster in Northern Uganda

Abstract

Given that humanitarian organizations can often be responsible for enabling, prolonging or intensifying violence and conflict through their interventions into war zones, it is important that these organizations, despite their presumed neutrality and beneficence, be held accountable for the deleterious consequences of their actions. The case of northern Uganda will be used to demonstrate how humanitarian agencies have made possible the government's counterinsurgency, including its policy of mass forced displacement and internment, which has led to a vast humanitarian crisis. The Ugandan government policy will be assessed as a war crime, making aid agencies accessories to this crime. This case study is used as an example to highlight that processes which demand the post-conflict accountability of those responsible for violence may be dramatically incomplete, and unjust, if they do not include the humanitarian agencies. In conclusion it will be suggested that if humanitarian organizations built popular accountability mechanisms into their daily operations this might prevent them from being complicit with egregious violence in the first place.