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541.
David Popenoe 《Society》2009,46(5):429-436
Non-marital cohabitation has become widespread in modern, Western nations. It has led to dramatic declines in marriage rates and contributed to high levels of unwed births and lone-parent families, thus negatively affecting child wellbeing.
David PopenoeEmail:
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542.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):854-864
ABSTRACT

The paper analyses the control of labor mobility through the livret d’ouvriers (1803–1890): a sort of internal passport aiming to subordinate workers’ circulation to the abidance of contract terms. The effective enforcement of livrets had a limited scope for various reasons. Nevertheless, those same difficulties offer a privileged perspective from which to analyze the shifting meanings of freedom and coercion in relation to labor poverty. The politics of identification show that it has been necessary to politically act on the spatial organization of productive processes in order to control labor through time, reacting to workers’ mobility as a specific form of collective bargaining. Through the lens of labor defection we see the emergence of a form of integration deriving from the cash nexus, the vehicle of market concurrence. Such integration calls for a form of control which cannot be subsumed within common law and that is rather axed on the modulation of market pressure – which we analyze through the 1850 debate over advance pay. From this perspective, the issues of breach of contract, police identification and debt insolvency allow to rethink the notion of coercion beyond its penal criminalization and, consequently, to frame the continuities between the police des manufactures, and the modern welfare State.  相似文献   
543.
The regulation of legal statuses and differentiation of non-citizens’ rights within the states has become a significant site in the management of migration, yet the actual operations of differential inclusion remain an underexamined issue in the migration research. This article provides an empirically grounded analysis of the differential inclusion of non-citizens and demonstrates the legal hierarchies between non-citizens’ entitlements using Finland as a case study. I argue that in addition to the regulation of residence and the access to labour markets, the unequal access to the welfare system represents a significant sphere of differentiation in the immigration process. Non-citizens’ social entitlements differ depending on the nationality, the type of legal status and the form of employment, affecting their position in the labour markets and in the society. The article highlights the role of immigration law in manipulating the residence status of non-citizens, consequently invalidating the universalism of rights and a residence-based welfare system. Immigration controls, rather than representing a neutral framework of regulation of immigration, function as an institution, which produces conditional subjects and asymmetrical social relations in the sphere of universal citizenship.  相似文献   
544.
This article explains the diversity of young people’s access to social welfare by distinguishing between two models of social citizenship in a comparative analysis of 15 Western European countries. On the one hand, social citizenship can be familialized, when young people are considered as children and therefore do not receive state benefits in their own name. This form of citizenship is found in Bismarckian welfare states, based on the principle of subsidiarity. On the other hand, it can be individualized, in which case young people can be entitled to benefits in their own right, insofar as they are considered as adults. This form of social citizenship is found more in Beveridgean welfare states.  相似文献   
545.
Building on the burgeoning literature on the association between the welfare state and the environmental state, this study empirically examines how the politics of the former has affected the development of the latter. We suggest that the size of the welfare state shapes the calculus of environmental policy costs by partisan governments. A generous welfare state lowers the costs perceived by the left‐wing government, as large redistributive spending allows the government to mitigate the adverse impact of the new environmental policy on its core supporters, industrial workers. A generous welfare state also implies diminished marginal political returns from additional welfare commitment by the left‐wing government, which lowers the opportunity costs of environmental policy expansion. To the contrary, because of lower overall regulatory and taxation pressure, a small welfare state reduces the costs of environmental policy expansion as perceived by a right‐wing government. Our theoretical narrative is supported in a dynamic panel data analysis of environmental policy outputs in 25 Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development member states during the period 1975–2005.  相似文献   
546.
弘扬孝亲敬老传统美德在支持家庭养老保障机制的有效运转和提升老年福祉水平方面具有积极作用,亦是践行党的二十大报告中“弘扬中华传统美德,加强家庭家教家风建设”的有益探索。研究发现子代持有的孝道观念在具备相互性和权威性双元面向的基础上,可进一步被划分为“高认同型”“分化型”“矛盾型”“低认同型”四个潜在类别;“孝道—福祉增进效应”具有稳定性,子代对相互性孝道认同程度越高,其亲代产生高福祉水平的可能性更大;该效应在亲代群体间具有异质性,拥有养老资源较为匮乏的亲代,能够从孝道对福祉的正向效应中获得更多回报。下一步政策取向是强化新时代家庭观的制度保障,进一步发挥家风建设和家庭美德发展对实现代际之间紧密的情感联结和高度的责任认同的有效力量。  相似文献   
547.
In this paper we study the law and economics of the EU data breach notification obligation (EU DBNO), which is part of the general data protection regulation. We start our discussion with the origins and aims of the EU DBNO. Following this, we study the social benefits of the DBNO and the conditions for these social benefits to emerge. Next, we analyse whether there would be spontaneous notification without the existence of a DBNO. We discuss how the national DPAs, that are responsible for the execution of the EU DBNO, can sufficiently induce data controllers to comply with the regulation. We also discuss the scope of the regulation from a social welfare perspective, in particular the conditions, which trigger a notification from data controllers.  相似文献   
548.
Since 1980, over one-quarter of social pact proposals have failed to result in social pact agreements. In order to explain this high failure rate, the social pact formation process is broken down into two stages. In the first stage, governments decide whether to propose a pact. In the second stage, governments and labour unions decide whether to complete a pact agreement. Using data on social pacts in Western Europe, the article finds that pact proposals are likelier in the presence of moderately centralised unions, high unemployment, and large budget deficits; but that pact agreements are likelier when employers’ associations are centralised, and labour unions have a high degree of organisational centralisation, low membership fractionalisation, and represent a small share of workers. It is submitted that the inability of moderately centralised unions to complete a social pact agreement may be a primary cause of the high failure rate of social pact proposals.  相似文献   
549.
A two-station (scenario) Objective Structured Clinical Examination (OSCE) was developed and tested for validity and reliability for assessing social work engagement skills in public child welfare. The simulated scenario was designed to allow for demonstration of skill with an involuntary adolescent and parent presenting as resistant. Independent raters assessed participants comprised of BSW students, MSW students, and experienced public child protection social workers (= 17, station one, n = 16 station two). Scales demonstrated high internal consistency, inter-rater reliability, and initial discriminate groups validity. Findings suggest a promising approach for directly assessing social worker skill in engagement of clients. Implications for use of OSCE in child welfare are discussed.  相似文献   
550.
吴浩 《青年论坛》2014,(6):43-47
"冰桶挑战"以个人的小微力量唤起全社会对罕见病的关注,低廉的经济成本,只是在网络上点击观看视频,却传递出青年群体对弱者的关爱之心,无疑是符合青年群体的价值追求。相较于传统公益文化模式,以"冰桶挑战"为代表的创新公益文化模式,赢得了青年群体的积极响应与参与。创新公益文化模式顺应了青年群体的文化崛起趋势,融合了网络恶搞文化元素,满足了青年群体心理需求,适应了青年群体价值观鲜明展现的需求,值得国内慈善公益组织反思与借鉴。  相似文献   
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