党和国家话语与农村女性的声音--以白茆山歌为例的观察(1956-1966)

本文以江苏常熟的白茆山歌为例,考察在1958年的新民歌运动中,国家、女性、民间文艺三者之间的复杂关系。国家以民歌这种传统民间文艺形式动员农村妇女参加社会主义劳动,但女性仍然可以通过积极回应、消极对抗和反面形象的言说等三种策略利用民歌来拓展女性空间,彰显女性意识。     

女性研究与和谐社会构建

和谐社会的构建是全面建设小康社会的目标之一,是人类社会持续发展的必然要求。其实现需要方方面面的努力,女性研究是其中之一。女性研究的发展为女性发展及与女性有关的社会问题的解决提供了理论指导、方法支持、政策建议、精神动力,因而促进了女性的全面发展,进而促进了社会的全面发展,成为和谐社会构建的一个重要方面。     

青少年增权研究述评

青少年增权基本上包括个人增权和集体增权两个层次,青少年增权是新的研究视野、研究角度、工作理念和工作方式。我国学者和实际工作者应加强对青少年增权理论和实践的本土化、我国青少年实际权力状况和增权途径的研究。     

我国城市弱势青少年群体增权问题探析

目前,城市弱势青少年群体客观上处于无权状态并内化为无权感,从青少年个体发展和社会的协调发展来说都需要增权。在现实条件下,实现城市弱势青少年群体的增权途径,主要通过家庭系统、同辈互动、社区参与和舆论媒体等,从而使其提升能力,获得资源。     

“前娜拉”时代的娜拉——关于吕碧城

吕碧城是20世纪初女性解放的先驱,她还是辛亥革命时期重要的文学社团———南社女作家的翘楚。她早年积极投身女权运动,鼓吹女学,提倡教育改革,创办了北洋女子公学。她留学海外,环游欧美,以自身的实践为近代妇女解放运动做出了重要贡献。     

佤族女性问题研究文献评述

佤族是生活在我国西南边疆的古老民族,也是云南省特有的15个少数民族之一。佤族妇女在佤族社会的进步和发展过程中扮演了极其重要的角色。国内对佤族女性的研究大多集中在1990年代,研究者大多为女性,研究的内容主要包括佤族女性的社会地位、佤族婚俗、佤族的生育文化等。整体来看,佤族女性问题研究已取得了一定成就,但研究的范围还比较狭窄。     

国际NGO项目与云南妇女发展

自20世纪80年代以来,一些国外非政府组织(NGO)在云南少数民族地区实施了一些以妇女为目标人群的发展项目。这些项目涉及对女性的扶贫济困、妇女生育健康的技术支持、小额信贷、妇女发展及能力建设、扫盲及教育培训、反对拐卖妇女儿童等,总体上看,效果是好的,但在管理上还需要进一步加强和完善,在操作方式上也需要更具针对性和地方特色。     

From patronage politics to community deliberation: the recent experience of democratic school management in Brazil

The article discusses the limits and possibilities of school empowerment within education systems plagued by pervasive patronage politics. The analysis focuses on reform initiatives implemented by Brazilian sub‐national governments throughout the 1980s and 1990s to allow for the election of school principals by parents, teachers and students. Until the implementation of this reform, state and local authorities had relied on the school system as a source of patronage resources, and principals were nominated according to political criteria. The new system of democratic school management was expected to undermine this patronage‐based system and foster community participation in school decisions. The article relies on secondary evidence to assess the impact of school elections in what concerns the participation of parents, students and teachers in school affairs and the relationship between schools, party politicians and education administrators. It concludes that high levels of social inequality and the lack of a universalistic and effective system of welfare provision constitute serious obstacles to the empowerment of disadvantaged groups in developing societies such as Brazil. On the other hand, the article argues that school empowerment has the potential to undermine resilient patronage structures, by introducing universalistic mechanisms of decision‐making and making school administrators more accountable to their constituencies. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The ‘Sharia Law Debate’ in Ontario: The Modernity/Premodernity Distinction in Legal Efforts to Protect Women from Culture

The normative figure in Western feminism remains the liberal autonomous individual of modernity. ‹Other’ women are those who have their freedom to choose restricted. Typically, ‹other’ women are those burdened by culture and hindered by their communities from entering modernity. If we remain in the terrain of thinking about women as vulnerable or imperilled, and some women as particularly imperilled, as we generally do of Muslim women, we remain squarely within the framework of patriarchy understood as abstracted from all other systems. A modernity/premodernity distinction will continue to invade any projects intending to help Muslim women. This paper shows the persistence of the modernity/premodernity distinction in contemporary debates around applying Sharia law to the settlement of family law disputes under the Arbitration Act in Ontario, Canada. I argue below that in their concern to curtail conservative and patriarchal forces within the Muslim community, Canadian feminists (both Muslim and Non-Muslim) utilized frameworks that installed a secular/religious divide that functions as a colour line, marking the difference between the modern, enlightened West, and tribal, religious Muslims. I suggest that feminist responses might have helped to sustain a new form of governmentality, one in which the productive power of the imperilled Muslim woman functions to keep in line Muslim communities at the same time that it defuses more radical feminist and anti-racist critique of conservative religious forces. I end by exploring how this effect could have been restricted.     

妇女学的内容与目标

妇女学不是把妇女看作问题 ,而是以妇女成为主体向男性中心的知识体系提出问题时产生的。妇女学的核心理论是社会性别。分析研究各个文化在各个历史时期中社会性别制度的变迁 ,社会性别话语的变化 ,社会性别等级制同阶级、种族、族裔等的交叉关系 ,社会性别同政治、经济、文化的关系 ,特定社会性别制度对男女的规范 ,性文化的变迁 ,妇女在各个领域的活动经历等等 ,是妇女学的主要内容。妇女学的目标是以新的认识论认识人类社会 ,并在此基础上参与改造社会。