日本《部分工时劳动法》的修正——以均等待遇原则为中心

日本部分工时劳动发展当中,差别待遇问题日益突出。在日本社会特殊的雇佣体制下,同工同酬原则一直不被认可,禁止差别待遇缺乏法源依据。2007年《部分工时劳动法》作出重大修正,最大的亮点是有限度的导入了国际劳工组织倡导的均等待遇原则,对满足一定条件的劳工给予同工同酬保护。中国非全日制用工发展中差别待遇问题同样突出,日本修法的经验对于中国具有借鉴意义。     

关于转型期企业共青团建设的几点思考

企业团组织引导青年发展,应基于青年特点和企业的实际展开。企业团组织要发挥政治上引领青年、帮助青年成才、对青年的考核等方面的作用。企业团建工作要从健全组织机构、介入企业文化、推进组织创新、规范组织生活、开展青年养成教育等方面入手。     

论隐性加班及其法律规制

管理和科技的进步促进了企业效率的提升，然而这非但没有使普通劳动者从烦冗的劳动中得到 解脱，反而加剧了隐性加班带来的困扰。在这一现象背后，劳动者在非工作时间依然持续地承受着工作上的负担, 使其个人生活逐渐陷入物化的处境，工作与生活之间的冲突日渐加剧。研究认为，在资本与科技的相互交织之下, 法定的工时标准及其民主管理方式逐渐被重塑和弱化，制度的漏洞又在现实中降低了加班的法律保障力度。这 些因素共同构成了隐性加班泛滥的成因。研究建议，对隐性加班的法律规制，应当以规范雇主权力的运行为核心, 妥善处理职工民主管理与企业劳动管理之间的关系，并确定合理的加班认定标准，从而促进劳动者工作与生活 的平衡。     

劳动人权与法律规范下的劳动自治

劳动人权是人权的重要内容之一,每个人都享有与生俱来的劳动权利。应当平等保障所有劳动者的劳动人权,以体现劳动价值。在此法律规范下,劳动自治作为意思自治在劳动关系领域的反映,体现了劳动权的契约自由。应允许符合劳动伦理的劳动力自由交易行为。国家应在国际劳工标准基础上,建立与社会物质生活条件相适应的劳动年龄制度,顾及未成年人和退休人员的劳动需求。法律对劳动权利应当保护性限制,而非限制性保护。     

Using “The gun act”: Federal regulation and the politics of the strike threat during World War I

This study examines the working-class custom of “can rushing,” a.k.a. “rushing the growler,” which was the common saloon-era practice of carrying alcohol (usually beer) from a saloon in a pail for consumption elsewhere. The ubiquitous saloon served as one of the most contentious spaces between the middle class and a burgeoning working class during the Gilded Age/Progressive Era, and reformers attacked it as a blight on their communities and working-class drinking customs as a threat to a moral and orderly society. Reformers' efforts to restrict can rushing was part of a larger effort to impose middle-class control over workers' leisure activities and their parental prerogatives. For much of the working class the saloon and the cultural mores that surrounded it were a mainstay of their culture. While men were the primary customers of the saloon's interior, “rushing the growler” turned women and children into saloon customers as well. Reformers portrayed this practice as the lowest form of saloon patronage for men, while at the same time arguing that it was a dire threat to the moral welfare of women and children. Much of the working class, however, viewed this practice as an efficient and economical way to consume alcohol in the workplace, on the street, and in the home. This study will consider how the struggle over can rushing politicized this cherished working-class leisure activity.     

对加强胜利油田惩防体系建设的思考

建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系是推进党风廉政建设的创新举措。胜利油田惩防体系建设以党的十八精神为指针，固本清源抓教育，规范权力抓监督，以查促防抓惩处，牢牢把握促进党员干部清正廉洁、保障履职安全的目标指向，为提升胜利油田党风建设和反腐倡廉工作水平，推动胜利油田打造世界一流、实现率先发展提供政治保障。     

走向谈判的工会:党巩固阶级基础的政治架构

在社会主义条件下,工会作为无产阶级执政党联结工人阶级的纽带,是党实现执政使命的重要组织资源。然而,在市场经济条件下,受传统体制的制度约束,工会组织亟待摆脱“制度性弱势”,完成党巩固阶级基础的“传动装置”的再启动。因此,需要在党的推动下实现工会制度创新,不断完善工会维权机制,提高工会组织的代表能力,赢得职工群众的信任,这有利于增强党在代表最广大人民根本利益层面的政治合法性。     

就业协议存在的主要问题及改革

就业协议是我国高等院校要求应届毕业生与用人单位签订的有关毕业生工作的协议,可以作为统计就业率,确定毕业生就业单位的依据.但实践中对就业协议的性质不清、内容存在问题,导致就业协议存在虚假签约、毁约现象比较严重,有必要对就业协议进行改革,用法律手段调整毕业生与用人单位的关系.     

Care-Politiken,Care-Arbeitsmarkt und Ungleichheit: Schweden,Deutschland und Italien im Vergleich

Social and demographic changes in western societies have led to a (re-)definition of social rights related to care-dependency and the introduction of further regulations of formal and informal care delivery. Care has increasingly become provided in the public sectors – the state, market and civic sector – and new types of cash benefits to support informal family care have been introduced. In this article, the concept of social care is used as a theoretical tool to analyse the relationship between the (re-)definition of social rights, the growth of a regular or grey care labour market and the related development of new forms of inequality according to socio-economic class and ethnicity in the female dominated area. The empirical comparison of the developments in Sweden, Germany and Italy reveals the dimensions of social rights – eligibility criteria, level and types of benefits – which are decisive for the growth of a regular and grey care labour market and the intersection of different forms of inequality.     

Nationale und globale Ungleichheit

The impact of globalization on the structure of social inequality is controversial discussed in actual debates. The national focused research is challenged by globalists. The article concentrates on the problem of order and shows how this is solved by the national structures of social inequality. In the next step the reasons for and against the national solution are presented. Finally the possibility of transnational constituting structures of social inequality is examined. How probable is the structuration of global inequality if basic elements of order are missing on this level?