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71.
Criminal victimization is known to influence households’ moving decisions, but theories suggest that the processes leading to a moving decision can vary across racial and ethnic groups. Drawing from current literature, we hypothesized that victimization would have a stronger effect on moving decisions for Whites than for Blacks or Hispanics, and that racial/ethnic residential segregation would moderate the impact of victimization on mobility. Using a longitudinal sample of 34,134 housing units compiled from the National Crime Victimization Survey for the 40 largest metropolitan areas in the United States (1995–2003), we found results that both support and contradict the hypotheses. Specifically, White residents display consistent evidence that victimization is a significant predictor of household mobility. Blacks and Hispanics, in contrast, are more varied in their moving behavior after victimization. In addition, significant differences exist among these groups in responses to victimization and in how mobility is influenced by residential segregation. Higher levels of residential segregation play a part in the victimization–mobility relationship among Blacks in a way that is more complex than we hypothesized. 相似文献
72.
Min Xie 《Justice Quarterly》2014,31(1):43-73
Police measures of crime are shaped by victims’ decisions to notify the police. To obtain a better understanding of US crime trends, this study uses the National Crime Victimization Survey to examine geographic differences and temporal trends in crime reporting in New York and other metropolitan areas for the period 1979-2004. We find that net of crime characteristics and survey methodology, the New York metropolitan area showed fewer increases in crime reporting than did other metropolitan areas. These divergent trends suggest that the real differences in the drop of nonlethal violence between New York and other areas may have been smaller than those indicated by police-based crime statistics. We also find that from the early 1990s to 2004, New York showed a sharp decrease in the likelihood of victims perceiving that “police wouldn’t help.” This trend suggests that police reforms in New York City have not resulted in more victims using police-related reasons to explain their nonreporting behavior. Instead, researchers need to develop a broader theoretical framework (not an exclusive focus on police actions) to understand how police- and nonpolice-related factors may explain the geographic variation in the trends of reporting observed in this study. 相似文献
73.
Janet L. Lauritsen 《犯罪学》2023,61(2):187-203
Criminology lacks sufficient data for many types of crime that are of great concern to society. This lack of data poses significant problems for determining whether resources are adequate for responding to these crimes or whether programmatic, legislative, or target-hardening efforts to prevent or reduce their occurrence are effective. Inadequate data about crime also produces a selective and incomplete narrative about crime that makes it easier for political and vested interests to exploit public concerns about crime for their own ends. In this address, I discuss what is needed to resolve these gaps and the ways in which criminologists can support a significant expansion of the crime data infrastructure. Such work is necessary to help ensure the future relevance of criminological research. 相似文献
74.
Despite a wealth of knowledge for factors predicting adolescent defending behaviors, it remains unknown about victims’ adjustment resulting from experiencing the presence of different bystander roles in a victimization episode. This study analyzed 209 Taiwanese adolescents’ reports of school-based peer victimization, perceived bystander actions in the event, and the victims’ emotional responses (e.g., happy, sad), emotional status following the episode (e.g., feeling better, worse), and psychosocial maladjustment (i.e., depression, loneliness, anxiety). Our results showed that bystander participant roles varied by victimization types and that defended victims adjusted better than nondefended victims both emotionally and psychologically. Moreover, adolescent victims who reported the presence of an outsider during the victimization experienced more complex and negative emotional responses than victims who reported the presence reinforcer or assistant of the bully. Implications for interventions and prevention are discussed. 相似文献
75.
According to a growing tradition in International Relations, one way governments can credibly signal their intentions in foreign policy crises is by creating domestic audience costs: leaders can tie their hands by publicly threatening to use force since domestic publics punish leaders who say one thing and do another. We argue here that there are actually two logics of audience costs: audiences can punish leaders both for being inconsistent (the traditional audience cost), and for threatening to use force in the first place (a belligerence cost). We employ an experiment that disentangles these two rationales, and turn to a series of dispositional characteristics from political psychology to bring the audience into audience cost theory. Our results suggest that traditional audience cost experiments may overestimate how much people care about inconsistency, and that the logic of audience costs (and the implications for crisis bargaining) varies considerably with the leader's constituency. 相似文献
76.
The fear of crime is generally considered as a social ill that undermines dimensions of individual well-being. Prior research generally specifies the fear of crime as an outcome variable in order to understand its complex etiology. More recently, however, researchers have suggested fear has a deterrence function whereby it reduces individuals’ involvement in violent encounters. This notion could hold important clues to understand the social sources of violence. We examine whether the fear of crime inhibits involvement in violent encounters, both as offender or victim, and if adjustments in routine activities explain these effects. The results suggest fear of crime reduces violence involvement, in part, by constraining routine activities. We conclude that the fear of crime appears to be a mechanism of violence mitigation that, paradoxically, bolsters physical well-being. The results are discussed with regard to their implications for criminological theory and research on interpersonal violence. 相似文献
77.
The current study aims to examine the influence of police officer characteristics, civilian characteristics, and possible interactions between both on violent victimization of police officers. Based on literature distinguishing between ‘provocative’ and ‘submissive’ victims, focus is given on effects of police officers’ personality in terms of the five-factor model plus risk-taking. Patrol police officers (n?=?1813) from Lower Saxony, Germany, completed a paper-and-pencil survey including personality assessments as well as questions about their last three police encounters. Binary logistic multilevel regression analyses demonstrate that police officers with higher scores on neuroticism and openness to experience were more likely to be violently attacked. Furthermore, agreeableness reduced police officers’ risk of violent victimization, while risk-taking and neuroticism increased their risk when confronted with a violent civilian. The study indicates that personality and especially traits that are assumed to provoke potential perpetrators were linked with violent victimization. It further stresses the need to include perpetrator attributes in victim studies in order to identify relevant interaction effects between both parties. 相似文献
78.
王晓华 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2008,93(6):36-40
现代人将七夕诗单一地理解为“情诗”,我们有必要对七夕诗进行多维度的阐释。如果从女性主义的视角将七夕诗加以解读,可以发现,七夕的重要仪礼——“乞巧”,是当时少女们生活希冀中对爱情的价值认同;七夕诗中表达得最丰富的爱情,其实是妇女求得身份平等的情感承诺;而男女不同诗人所作的七夕诗,在视角转换中可以明显看出男人和女人眼中的“女性”有别而情有所同。 相似文献
79.
民族发展理论是马克思主义民族理论的重要组成部分。新中国成立后,中国共产党和中国政府在社会主义革命和建设的实践中。继承和发展了马克思主义民族发展理论,经历了以政治平等为特征的发展理论——以经济建设为中心的发展理论——全面协调发展理论的演变过程,形成了具有中国特色的民族发展理论,极大地促进了少数民族现代化建设。 相似文献
80.