宋格初探

宋初,编敕为最主要、最经常的立法形式,格的地位及作用明显衰微。神宗元丰以后,对格的编订又明显增加,其编纂体例等也有变化。这一变化的原因,是神宗对编敕、令、格、式的性质作重新界定,使格的性质发生显著变化:格完全行政法化,成为令的实施细则。格的性质的变化,其内在原因是编敕的刑法化。由于宋格成为令的实施细则,原为令的实施细则及公文程式的式则成为纯粹的公文程式。由于编敕、格性质及立法功能的变化,使得宋朝的立法模式也发生变化,即由宋初主要通过编敕进行立法的模式,变成对敕、令、格、式统一编订的立法模式。     

论高职《财务会计》教学中的会计职业道德养成

《财务会计》课程是高职院校会计专业的一门必修核心课程，在高职会计专业教学中的具有突出地位和重要作用。根据《财务会计》课程的性质及特点，在教学课程中应融入对学生职业道德素质的培养。结合新会计准则的实施，提出实现会计职业道德养成的手段和方法，在向学生传授专业知识和技能的同时又培养学生良好的品德和高尚的情操。     

月经血鉴定与基质金属蛋白酶-11

月经血鉴定是法医血痕检验的内容之一。本文就月经血鉴定的几种经典方法进行回顾,并分析其应用局限性。基质金属蛋白酶-11是一种能降解细胞外基质的水解蛋白酶,有研究提示基质金属蛋白酶-11以其在月经血中表达的特异性和检测方法的灵敏性有可能成为对月经血鉴定的新一代标志物。本文对基质金属蛋白酶-11的结构、功能、在月经血鉴定中的应用及展望进行综述。     

Genetic polymorphism at 15 tetrameric short tandem repeat loci in four aboriginal tribal populations of Bengal

POPULATIONS: This study reports the genetic polymorphism observed at 15 short tandem repeat loci D3S1358, TH01, D21S11, D18S51, D5S818, D13S317, D7S820, D16S539, CSF1PO, vWA, D8S1179, TPOX, D2S1338, D19S433, and FGA in four aboriginal populations of Bengal. The analysis was performed to decipher the suitability of CODIS as well as six other highly polymorphic and unlinked markers in Forensic Testing. Studied populations include four tribes: Karmali, Kora, Maheli, and Lodha.     

广东冰毒等精神类毒品犯罪的犯罪场域分析

近五年来广东冰毒等新型精神类毒品犯罪发生了新变化,如何解释这一阶段性变化,合理预测广东此类犯罪的发展趋势,进而提出相关对策,其理论与实践意义颇大。借助犯罪场与市场犯罪的理论框架,解读广东经验,无疑会加深我国与此类犯罪作斗争的长期性认识。     

野田内阁加入TPP的战略意图探析

TPP是一种旨在实现贸易、投资及人员往来等全面自由化的高水平自由贸易协定。野田内阁意图通过TPP提升日本企业的国际竞争力,推动国内农业的结构性改革,重振日本经济;在对外关系上,则欲借此修复巩固日美同盟,配合美国牵制中国的战略布局,并在未来亚太经济一体化的进程中占据有利位置。基于上述战略意图,尽管遭到日本国内长期依赖财政补贴及贸易保护的农业部门和希望继续维持现有医疗保障体系的医师会等团体的坚决反对,以致日本面临政治分裂的风险,野田仍作出了参加TPP谈判的政治决断。     

Who is the enemy now? Islamophobia and antisemitism among Russian Orthodox nationalists before and after September 11

In this article Verkhovsky focuses on Russian nationalist groups who base their ideology on the Russian Orthodox tradition. These Russian Orthodox nationalists should be distinguished both from those nationalists for whom Orthodoxy is clearly overwhelmed by the ideological demands of ethno-nationalism, as well as from those who use Orthodoxy simply as a popular symbol of national identity. Orthodox nationalists, moreover, are fairly independent of the Moscow Patriarchate and its ideology. The ideology of Orthodox nationalism focuses both on its principal enemy, the Antichrist, and on those enemies subordinate to the Antichrist: Jews, Catholics, the West, the New World Order and so on. In the mid-1990s Islam had no obvious place among this set of hostile forces. The Moscow Patriarchate and moderately nationalist politicians, relying to some extent on Eurasianist ideas, saw the relationship between Orthodoxy and Islam in Russia as a harmonious one, and, on the whole, Orthodox nationalists did not disagree, although individuals occasionally claimed that the Jews, using the West, were setting Islam against Orthodox Russia. The situation began to change during the second Chechen war, when Orthodox nationalists began to issue warnings of an Islamic threat. This was related not only to the situation in former Yugoslavia and in Chechnya, but also to an increase in the immigration of Muslims to ethnically Russian regions of the country. For Orthodox nationalists, this Islamic threat was part of the larger threat coming from the Jews and the West. Islam, they claimed, was being used as a tool by the Antichrist not only because it was a flawed religion, but because it, being less godless than the West, would produce radical Islamism as a synthesis of western technology and eastern passion. In the intense debates that followed in the wake of the attacks of 11 September 2001 most Orthodox nationalists in Russia supported adopting a neutral position in the supposed ‘clash of civilizations’ between Islam and the West.     

Comparison of two methods for isolating DNA from human skeletal remains for STR analysis

Abstract: The quality and efficiency of a standard organic DNA isolation method and a silica‐based method using the QIAGEN Blood Maxi Kit were compared to obtain human DNA and short tandem repeats (STRs) profiles from 39 exhumed bone samples for paternity testing. DNA samples were quantified by real‐time PCR, and STR profiles were obtained using the AmpFlSTR^® Identifiler^® PCR amplification kit. Overall, the silica‐based method recovered less DNA ranging from 0 to 147.7 ng/g (average 7.57 ng/g, median = 1.3 ng/g) than did the organic method ranging from 0 to 605 ng/g (average 44.27 ng/g, median = 5.8 ng/g). Complete profiles (16/16 loci tested) were obtained from 37/39 samples (95%) using the organic method and from 9/39 samples (23%) with the silica‐based method. Compared with a standard organic DNA isolation method, our results indicate that the published silica‐based method does not improve neither the quality nor the quantity of DNA for STR profiling.     

The Media’s Coverage of Domestic Terrorism

Scholarly interest in terrorism has grown dramatically since September 11. One important line of inquiry within this body of research has been the media’s coverage of terrorism. Although there have been several important studies published on this topic, there has been little research examining media coverage of domestic terrorism. This study fills this gap by examining the media’s coverage of terrorism in the United States from 1980 until September 10, 2001. The analysis is based on a list of terrorist‐related incidents and New York Times articles pertaining to each incident. This study documents the amount and type of coverage received by domestic terrorism incidents, and identifies the variables influencing whether an incident is covered and how much space it receives. The results indicate that most terrorism incidents receive little or no coverage in the news, but a few cases are sensationalized in the press. There are several characteristics that consistently explain which incidents are covered and receive substantial news space. Incidents with casualties, linked to domestic terrorist groups, targeting airlines, or when hijacking is used as a tactic are significantly more likely to be covered and have more articles and words written about them. This study concludes with a discussion of the policy implications of these findings for the understanding of terrorism as a social problem.