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151.
This paper focuses on the effects of political ideology and party affiliation on support for more government spending on environmental protection. Pooled‐sample results show that Liberals (Democrats) are more likely to support higher government spending on environmental protection than Moderates (Independents), who, in turn, are more likely to support higher spending levels than Conservatives (Republicans). The results persist even when we control for respondents9; opinions concerning whether the federal government, in general, does too little or too much. When stratifying by party, ideological divisions generally narrow, while stratifying by ideology leads to slightly wider divisions between Democrats and Republicans. Together, these results suggest that when Liberals and Conservatives form opinions about government spending on the environment, party affiliation, to some degree, dampens the effects of ideology. Between 2014 and 2018 the probability of supporting more environmental spending increased, albeit slightly, for all ideologies and parties, but more so for Liberals and Democrats. 相似文献
152.
153.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(2):238-257
This article examines variation in local‐level energy‐efficiency grants and corresponding initiatives from the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act (ARRA) in the United States. The analysis is based upon a hurdle model of counts of energy‐efficiency grants received by 348 local governments that received these grants from 2009 to 2013, as well as 348 matched local governments that did not receive such funds. City‐level characteristics including amount of federal financial support, per capita income, signaling of preferences for sustainability policies, manufacturing, and political influences are shown to be empirically important determinants of variation in local energy‐efficiency initiatives. The evidence suggests that all else held equal, the $21.8 billion in ARRA funds expended with the intent of increasing local energy‐efficiency programs and policies successfully led to this end. 相似文献
154.
155.
恐怖活动犯罪具有严重的社会危害性,资助、招募和运送人员的行为为恐怖活动犯罪提供源源不断的动力支持。为有效打击上述行为,《刑法修正案(三)》增设资助恐怖活动罪,《刑法修正案(九)》对其罪状进行了扩充并更名为帮助恐怖活动罪。这就需要通过对帮助恐怖活动罪的立法流变、性质、内容以及法律适用问题进行分析,解决类型化的帮助行为正犯化带来的司法认定困境,为本罪在司法中的适用提供建议。 相似文献
156.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(3):469-471
This article considers a ‘new-old’ media – that is, a relatively newly created medium with deep historical roots – that has gained increasing popularity in recent years: a subgenre of the comic book, most often referred to as the graphic novel. Presented here as an antidote to dominant interpretations of political violence ranging from the state terrorism of the Holocaust to the events of 9/11, the article briefly traces the history of graphic novels and details their growing popularity before describing and analysing representations of terrorism, both written and visual, in eight paradigmatic works that purvey variously victim, survivor and perpetrator perspectives. 相似文献
157.
David A. Charters 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):133-169
Although Canada has experienced a wide variety of forms of political terrorism, only the FLQ9;s attack on federalism has earned a lasting place in Canadian historical memory, a place achieved without attaining its goal of an independent Quebec. Using new sources, this article explains this conundrum by reassessing the effectiveness of the FLQ9;s campaign. It will demonstrate that the very thing that constituted the FLQ9;s only success ‐ its ability to project an illusion of strength sufficient to convince the federal government that a popular insurrection was developing in Quebec ‐ masked its singular failure: organizational weakness and poor strategic judgment. These prevented the FLQ from achieving its goals and were the hallmarks of its status as ‘amateur revolutionaries’. 相似文献
158.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(3):434-445
This article examines the values and attitudes present within the 2002 video game Tom Clancy’s Splinter Cell, and the methods employed to convey them. It compares the game’s message with the rhetoric contained in the Bush administration’s post-9/11 “war on terror” narrative. A qualitative content analysis of a Splinter Cell “game movie” and gameplay sessions is undertaken to examine the messages communicated through elements of simulation and representation. This article finds that Splinter Cell and the “war on terror” narrative express similar perspectives of terrorism and counterterrorism. First, both exaggerate the physical and normative threat of terrorism, and portray it as overwhelmingly powerful. Second, both sources justify violent counterterrorism action through claims of necessity, urgency and self-defence. Third, violence is consistently portrayed as effective for achieving the desired objective. Finally, violence and military action are represented as simple solutions that ultimately lead to victory over terrorism. The parallels between the messages within Splinter Cell and the “war on terror” rhetoric indicate that the game was shaped by the post-9/11 culture in which it was developed. More significantly, however, Splinter Cell perpetuates and legitimises the “war on terror” narrative by conveying its message through an immersive interactive environment. 相似文献
159.
Peter Catterall 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(4):631-639
What societies choose to remember about the Past can pose challenges for professional gatekeepers in museums, archives and statutory bodies charged with managing national heritage. Recent examples examined in this article include the inauguration of the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, the 2016 Capability Brown Festival, changing attitudes towards poppies and the Rhodes Must Fall movement. These are explored through establishing a taxonomy of the eight functions that lieux de mémoire fulfil in the course of reflecting the Past to the Present. Drawing attention to the way in which the imperialism of the Past is buried beneath the pristine lawns of Capability Brown9;s gardens in the Present, this article concludes by warning that lieux de mémoire can provide an aesthetic veneer, glossing over aspects of the Past that societies, or elites within those societies, would, for their own purposes, rather forget. 相似文献
160.
Gottfried Call 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2008,21(9):270-271
§ 10 Abs 3 Satz 4 (idF vor der WRN 2006) sieht einen unmittelbar wirksamen Grundbuchsberichtigungsantrag nach § 136 GBG in
den F?llen vor, in denen die Nutzwerte gem § 9 Abs 2 Z 1 bis 3 iVm Abs 3 WEG 2002 neu festzusetzen gewesen sind. (Im vorliegenden
Fall ist dieser Antrag allerdings abzuweisen gewesen, weil die ASt eine Berichtigung der Mindestanteile in der Weise begehrt
haben, dass diese zusammengerechnet einen nach § 2 Abs 9 WEG 2002 unzul?ssigen Bruch von 1496/1478 ergeben h?tten.) Zum intertemporalen
Recht des § 58 Abs 4 über die Anwendbarkeit des § 10 Abs 3 und 4 WEG 2002 in der Stammfassung gegenüber der Rechtslage nach
der WRN 2006. 相似文献