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71.
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目的 观察化痰通瘀解毒方提取物对人胃癌细胞株SGC-7901侵袭转移能力的影响。方法 10、20、40 μg/mL化痰通瘀解毒方提取物分别干预人胃癌细胞SGC-7901 24 h后,采用Transwell小室法检测人胃癌细胞SGC-7901的侵袭、迁移能力,分别采用酶联免疫吸附试验和Western blot法检测SGC-7901细胞中基质金属蛋白酶9(matrix metalloproteinase 9, MMP-9)和E-钙黏蛋白(E-cadherin)的表达水平。结果 4组SGC-7901的侵袭细胞数和迁移细胞数以及E-cadherin和MMP-9表达水平比较,差异均具有统计学意义(P<0.05),呈现明显的剂量依赖性,以高剂量化痰解毒方提取物的效应最明显。结论 化痰解毒方可抑制人胃癌细胞SGC-7901侵袭和迁移能力,其作用机制可能与上调E-cadherin表达,下调MMP-9的表达有关。 相似文献
73.
Hannes R. Stephan 《政策研究评论》2020,37(1):64-91
This study applies a narrative lens to policy actors’ discursive strategies in the Scottish debate over fracking. Based on a sample of 226 newspaper articles (2011–2017) and drawing on key elements of the narrative policy framework (NPF), the research examines how policy coalitions have characterized their supporters, their opponents, and the main regulator (Scottish government). It also explores how actors have sought to expand or contain the scope of conflict to favor their policy objectives. Empirically, only the government strives for conflict containment, whereas both pro‐ and anti‐fracking groups prioritize conflict expansion through characterization contests and the diffusion and concentration of the costs/risks and benefits of fracking. In theoretical terms, the study proposes that Sarah Pralle’s conflict management model, which emphasizes symmetrical strategies of conflict expansion by both coalitions, is a potential tool to revise extant NPF expectations about the different narrative strategies of winning and losing coalitions. Moreover, the fact that policy actors mostly employ negatively rather than positively framed characters in their narratives may be a valid expectation for similar policy conflicts, particularly under conditions of regulatory uncertainty. 相似文献
74.
H9N2禽流感病毒HA2基因重组杆状病毒的表达 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
从pMD18-T-HA阳性质粒扩增了H9N2亚型禽流感病毒的HA2基因,将扩增到的 HA2基因克隆至昆虫杆状病毒转移载体pBlueBacHis2A中。将其与杆状病毒共转染于Sf9昆虫细胞,经蚀斑筛选纯化重组杆状病毒,用其感染Sf9昆虫细胞,并优化表达条件。SDS-PAGE和 Western-blotting分析表明,表达产物的分子质量约为27 ku。Dot-ELISA分析表明,表达的HA2 融合蛋白可与鸡抗H9N2亚型血清发生特异性反应,而与H5和H7亚型抗血清间无交叉反应。 相似文献
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Christopher Michaelsen 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):248-268
In February 2010, the Australian government released its second Counter-Terrorism White Paper, claiming that terrorism continues to pose a serious security challenge to Australia. The article critically re-examines the terrorist threat to Australia and explores the threat posed by the traditional Al-Qaeda leadership, by regional organisations like Jemaah Islamiyah and by so-called ‘home-grown’ terrorists. Arguing that it is imperative to differentiate clearly between the threat to Australia and Australian interests abroad, the article identifies the sources of threat in the Australian context. It concludes that neither Al-Qaeda nor Jemaah Islamiyah nor home-grown terrorism poses any significant objective threat to Australia. At the same time it is acknowledged that the subjective perception of the terrorist necessitates the government to develop an effective counter-terrorism strategy. However, given that the terrorism threat is objectively low, policy measures addressing the threat ought to be carefully designed to meet the requirements of proportionality and (potential) effectiveness. 相似文献
78.
Sex trafficking has become a high-profile, celebrity endorsed issue, attracting much international attention. Accompanying this has been a proliferation of films, including full-length feature films, which address the topic and have done much to influence public perception of the issue. This paper analyses two of these films which were made for the mainstream US market: Trade and Taken. Both films present a conservative and heteronormative perspective revolving around middle-aged North American law enforcement officers rescuing innocent young girls. Hence, these films participate in the general securitisation of trafficking discourse in which the US has been a leader. In spite of their ostensible concern about the exploitation of women, these films present trafficking mostly as an occasion for the redemption and rehabilitation of the beleaguered white American male, appropriating the problem of trafficking in the service of a US-led neo-imperialism bolstered by masculinism and xenophobia, and implicitly problematising women9;s independence and justifying the control of their movements and sexuality. 相似文献
79.
Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, the international arena has witnessed two concurrent worldwide trends. One is the gradual prevalence of universalism under the banner of human civilization; the other is the gradual revival of nationalism globally under exactly the same heading. Both trends are evident in China, a country which in the twenty-first century is perceived universally as a rising nation. However, does Chinese nationalism necessarily pose a threat to the world? By examining two debates on the Chinese intellectual response towards Sino-American and Sino-Japanese relations in the early twenty-first century, this paper investigates the status of Chinese nationalism. It questions whether it is a fixed set of ideas embraced by a solid entity, or whether it possesses multiple layers with dual elements contributing to both security and insecurity internationally. The paper argues that three separate nationalist processes are occurring concurrently but independently of each other: the construction of civic nationalist values; the development of an international relations strategy assigning responsible power to China; and the detection of alleged anti-Chinese conspiracies. The effect of the first two would be to encourage regional peace, and they could offset fervent nationalist expression. A somewhat counter-intuitive result of Chinese nationalism might be that it also becomes a stabilizing force within and outside China9;s borders. 相似文献
80.
Daniel Ennöckl 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2007,15(4):256-263
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献