Carbon Taxation and Policy Labeling: Experience from American States and Canadian Provinces

A vast economics literature embraces taxation of the carbon content of fossil fuels as the superior policy approach for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. However, experience around the world suggests that carbon taxes face exceedingly difficult political hurdles. Federal experience in the United States and in Canada confirms this pattern. This article reviews sub‐federal policy development among American states and Canadian provinces, a great many of which have pursued climate policy development. With one major exception, explicit carbon taxation appears to remain a political nonstarter. At the same time, states and provinces have been placing indirect carbon prices on fossil fuel use through a wide range of policies. These tend to strategically alter labeling, avoiding the terms of “tax” and “carbon” in imposing costs. The article offers a framework for considering such strategies and examines common design features, including direct linkage between cost imposition and fund usage to build political support.     

The backlash against civil society in the wake of the Long War on Terror

The enthusiasm for civil society that emerged in the late 1980s and 1990s with the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the spread of democratic regimes has been replaced in recent years by a backlash against civil society on many levels and fronts. This has particularly intensified since the attacks of 11 September 2001 and the ensuing global war on terror. This article examines the causes of this backlash within the context of the ‘Long War on Terror’, describes the overt and implicit manifestations of the backlash, and reflects upon the implications for the future. It considers how the growing prominence of concerns about security and the concomitant expansion of counter-terrorist measures across the world threaten the spaces for civil society to flourish and act. It argues that while the manifestations of the backlash, such as the crackdown on NGOs in Russia and the taming of NGOs by bilateral and multilateral agencies, may appear to be disparate, unconnected phenomena, on closer inspection it is clear that they are intricately intertwined.     

美国文理学院的历史与特点研究及其启示

美国文理学院是美国高等教育中别具特色的一个重要类型，历史悠久，经历多次时代的挑战。随着美国大学模式的确立，其从占据主导地位到面临生存危机，但由于坚守博雅教育理念等多方面因素而得以继续保留，并以优质而富有特色的本科教育在美国高等教育中占据一席之位。美国文理学院的发展历史和特点对我国优化高等教育结构、引导高校特色发展和凝练办学理念、促进顶尖创新人才培养上具有重要的借鉴意义。     

美国犯罪预防新思维之与“贼”同想

美国犯罪预防领域出现了一种新思维,即与"贼"同想。为使工作富有成效,犯罪分子知道的,警察也应该知道。一个高效率的犯罪预防警官必须在犯罪、威胁因素和解决方案等宽广的领域里知识渊博,见多识广。获悉罪犯怎么作案是预防犯罪的最基本的方法,像贼一样思考问题是预防犯罪的根本。     

NGO–government partnerships for scaling up: sexuality education in Mexico

Governments in developing countries need effective programmes to advance public policies and improve social welfare. NGOs often have well-tested programmes and research outcomes that are relevant to such needs, yet the scaling up of pilot programmes to national level is difficult to achieve and frequently unsuccessful. This article presents a case of successful scaling up for an adolescent sexual-health and psychosocial-competencies programme in Mexico, through an NGO–government partnership involving IMIFAP, a Mexican NGO. The case illustrates how an NGO can create a successful partnership with government to scale up effective programmes, in ways that meet key needs of the target population while protecting the NGO's core values.     

美国反垄断法豁免中的诺尔-本灵顿原则介评

诺尔-本灵顿原则是由美国联邦最高法院通过几个案例确立的联邦反垄断法中的一个原则,其主要含义是：根据美国宪法第一修正案的规定,即使竞争者游说政府改变法律的方式将会削弱竞争,那么其行为也不违反反垄断法。诺尔原则是协调《谢尔曼法》的重要目标与公民请愿权利和各级政府有效决策之间关系的产物。诺尔原则对中国的反垄断法执法也有一定启发,在执法过程中应当全面协调经营者的竞争利益及其他经营者的宪法权利与政府行为的关系。     

美国信用体系及其对“诚信山东建设的借鉴”

美国信用体系的总体框架包括三部分，并具鲜明的特点。借鉴美国经验加快推进“诚信山东”建设的措施有：完善信用法律体系，培育信用活动主体和载体，发展信用管理行业，加大信用基础设施建设力度，建立规范的惩戒机制，促进市场信用交易，加快培养和引进人才。     

从“拉美陷阱”看中国和谐社会的构建

在现代化的进程中,拉丁美洲国家曾取得举世瞩目的成就.但是,20世纪80年代以来,拉丁美洲国家陷入"拉美陷阱"而不能自拔.研究拉美国家的现代化进程,吸取其经验和教训,对于构建社会主义和谐社会有积极的意义.     

Indigenous voters and party system fragmentation in Latin America

This article shows that ethnic cleavages have contributed to electoral fragmentation in Latin America, but not in the way that the social cleavages literature would expect. It finds that party system fragmentation in the region is not correlated with ethnic diversity, but rather with the proportion of the population that is indigenous. The failure of the main parties to adequately represent indigenous people, it argues, has led indigenous voters to shift their support to a variety of smaller populist and leftist parties, which has produced high levels of party system fragmentation in indigenous areas. Where a significant indigenous party has emerged, however, indigenous voters have flocked to that party, which has reduced party system fragmentation. Analyses of sub-national electoral data from Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, and Peru provide support for these arguments.