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111.
112.
杨群红 《中共山西省委党校学报》2009,32(5):20-23
新中国成立60年,党的建设伟大工程也走过60个春秋。在此期间,党的建设新的伟大工程的提出、实施经过了两个时期、四个阶段,即党的建设伟大工程和党的建设新的伟大工程两个时期;四个阶段是:党的建设伟大工程的提出,党的建设新的伟大工程的酝酿、确立和创新发展阶段。党的十七大站在新的历史起点上,第一次提出了以改革创新精神全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程的新思想,不仅指明了党的建设的政治方向,而且为新的伟大工程的实施提供了前进动力。 相似文献
113.
家风是传统农业时代维系乡土社会的内生秩序,基于传统社会结构显示独特的伦理约束与治理优化功能.进入新时代,乡村社会生态、主客体等发生结构性变迁,乡村治理模式亟须适应性调整与革新,家风及家风建设也需现代化转型与重构.这种现实情境下,湖州南浔区通过"最美家风+"建设,链接并作用于治理主体、治理方式、治理过程等乡村治理体系的基... 相似文献
114.
张广会 《河北公安警察职业学院学报》2007,7(3):23-25
公安工作的一个显著特点就是与人打交道,从一定意义上说,就是处理人与人之间关系的工作。因此,要遵照公安部提出的,在公安工作中要"最大限度地增加和谐因素,最大限度地减少不和谐因素"。要求特别是基层民警应紧紧抓住"三基"工程建设的大好机遇,正确处理好三种关系,把"两个最大限度"的要求落实到实处,以实际行动促进社会的和谐稳定,激发社会的创造力。 相似文献
115.
Why do some peace agreements end armed conflicts whereas others do not? Previous studies have primarily focused on the relation between warring parties and the provisions included in peace agreements. Prominent mediators, however, have emphasised the importance of stakeholders at various levels for the outcome of peace agreements. To match the experience of these negotiators we apply a level-of-analysis approach to examine the contextual circumstances under which peace agreements are concluded. While prominent within the causes of war literature, level-of-analysis approaches are surprisingly scant in research about conflict resolution. This article compares two Sudanese Peace Agreements: the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005) that ended the North–South war and led to the independence of South Sudan, and the Darfur Peace Agreement (2006) which failed to end fighting in Darfur. We find that factors at the local, national and international level explain the different outcomes of the two agreements. Hence, the two case studies illustrate the merit of employing a level-of-analysis approach to study the outcome of peace agreements. The main contribution of this article is that it presents a new theoretical framework to understand why some peace agreements terminate armed conflict whereas others do not. 相似文献
116.
How do political parties react to foreign security threats? There has been very little attention paid in the literature generally to how parties react to international events, particularly how parties react to foreign policy threats. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, we examine how political parties in countries in Europe have reacted to Russian actions in terms of their emphasis on security issues. Based upon our analysis of the manifestoes from 331 parties in 36 countries we find that, generally, interstate threats have no significant effect on the military position adopted by political parties, although these effects vary by party type and by the type of threat. Russian based threats appear to be associated with the Far Left becoming more dovish (which is consistent with what would be expected by the literature) and the Far Right becoming significantly less hawkish. 相似文献
117.
Ben Jackson 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(1):69-75
This article argues that a return to the history of progressive political thought can help us to think afresh about what a renewed centre‐left politics might look like today. The article identifies some significant aspects of this history that attracted little attention in earlier debates over the British progressive tradition—in particular, debates about social ownership, nationalism and distributism. This revisionist history of British progressivism points the way towards some common ideological ground that could provide a starting point for a new dialogue between different ‘progressive’ political parties and interests. 相似文献
118.
Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences. 相似文献
119.
高职中药专业《基础化学》课程教学改革的探索 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
刘洪喆 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2009,(3):90-91
《基础化学》是高职院校中药专业必不可少的一门专业基础课,笔者通过教学实践体会到高职中药专业《基础化学》课程教学必须转变教育思想,强调实践,突出应用,重新设计课程体系,优化精选教学内容,改进教学方法和手段,才能培养出合格的高职应用技术型人才。 相似文献
120.
印大双 《湖北警官学院学报》2009,22(3):60-64
侦查假说是侦查人员在侦查破案过程中必不可少的思维方式。侦查假说具有多元性、层次性和开放性。侦查实践的终极目标是实现案件的侦破,侦查假说的正确与否决定着侦查工作的成败。侦查实践往往围绕侦查假说展开推理和论证。构建侦查假说,需要在时间层次、空间层次和人物层次之间进行综合考量,形成较完整的有关犯罪假说体系的三个支点。 相似文献