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991.
兰荣禄 《陕西行政学院学报》2014,(4):103-107
发展党员工作是确保党员队伍纯洁性,使党始终成为中国特色社会主义事业坚强领导核心的"源头工程"。新中国成立以来福建省发展党员工作与全国高度一致,都历经了从"曲折阶梯型"向"平缓爬坡型"发展的非均衡性脉络特征。因而在总体上取得良好绩效的同时,也都不可避免地存在着整个发展和管理工作科学化水平有待提高的问题。为了有效解决这一突出问题,需要在其发展的路径、程序、机制、覆盖面及其自身的职业化党务人才队伍建设等方面尊重事实、遵循规律。 相似文献
992.
曹亮 《贵阳市委党校学报》2014,(4):59-61
伴随网络时代到来的信息大爆炸,"大数据"概念开始广泛应用于社会生活和科学研究各个领域。在给党校图书馆发展带来机遇的同时,也要求党校图书馆适应形势,改进工作。其中,迫切的是信息化服务模式的优化和创新。 相似文献
993.
Jon Taylor 《北京周报(英文版)》2014,(5)
正At the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China(CPC) in November of 2013,much of the focus was placed on anticipated economic and social reforms.However,one area that both casual observers and Western news media mistakenly assumed that had been overlooked was the issue of corruption. 相似文献
994.
“私代履行人”的理论定位及规范建议 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
虽然《行政强制法》规定行政强制措施权不得委托给私人,但是在代履行中,却存在着"私代履行人"参与公法任务的空间。"私代履行人"理应被定位为行政助手。然而,作为公私协力的模式之一,行政助手理论制度存在一系列争议,需要对委托机关与"私代履行人"的法律关系性质、"私代履行人"的代理权行使及其侵权的行政救济等问题消除歧见。在此基础上,对"私代履行人"的条件、职责、权利义务、诉讼途径及法律责任等进行规范建议。 相似文献
995.
Didier Ruedin 《Swiss Political Science Review》2013,19(4):539-545
Automatic approaches to coding party manifestos and other political texts have become more widespread. This research note addresses the question to what extent the source language of a text affects the results. To do so, Swiss manifestos in German and French are coded automatically, comparing a keyword‐based dictionary approach and Wordscores. Because of language differences, both stemming and particularly stop words are important to obtain comparable results for Wordscores. If both are used, the predicted scores are almost identical in both languages. With the right preparations, the challenge of language differences can thus be overcome. 相似文献
996.
Stuart Wilks-Heeg 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(3):381-399
This paper assesses the state of local political parties in the UK, using case study material generated via a comparative study of local democracy in Burnley and Harrogate. It considers the challenges facing local political parties arising from the transition from local government to local governance and the ‘diversification’ of mechanisms through which local residents relate to local public agencies. The paper argues that local parties have reached an advanced state of decline, reflected in the erosion of third parties and, in the case of Burnley, the rise of the British National Party. The paper concludes with proposals for reinvigorating local parties, as part of a broader agenda of reviving local democracy in the UK. 相似文献
997.
Dermot McCann 《Contemporary Politics》2013,19(3):279-292
The policy debate within the British Labour Party after its traumatic electoral defeat in 2010 has been marked by a concern with Germany's system of economic governance as a potential model for renewal. The desirability of emulating key aspects of its institutions of economic democracy (codetermination) has been a particular subject of debate. This article analyses the source of Germany's attraction for many would-be reformers in the Labour movement. It then examines whether emulating German codetermination is either a feasible or appropriate strategy for Labour reformers whose goal is to rebalance power between capital and labour. Codetermination is deeply embedded in a wider set of governance institutions that have been subject to substantial reform in recent years. It concludes that effective institutional borrowing from Germany would require a far broader and more radical set of economic governance reforms than Labour reformers appear to recognise. 相似文献
998.
Yah-Huei Hong 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):207-225
Event marketing allows a brand to target an audience by creating or enhancing an image through association with a particular event. In the political arena, a party is also a brand, and a campaign can be considered a series of event marketing activities. This study explores if the two major event marketing activities of the 2012 Taiwan presidential election campaign, Three Little Pigs and Good Luck Charms, might have impacted on young voters’ preference for the respective parties and their perception of the parties’ images via political socialization. An online survey was applied with a random sample of 815 drawn from InsightXplorer’s Cyber Panel database. The results demonstrated the significant effects of political socialization by media, family, and peers in that when people encountered the campaign events more often in the media and had more discussions with their families and peers, they were more likely to have a positive attitude towards the party and perceive the party image positively. Additionally, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) supporters and non-Kuomintang (KMT) supporters were more likely to perceive Three Little Pigs as positive for the DPP, while KMT supporters and non-DPP supporters tended to believe that Good Luck Charms had positive impacts for KMT. 相似文献
999.
"战略是一个国家或政府对全局性、高层次的重大问题的筹划与指导"。[1]而政策则是"国家或政党为实现一定历史时期的路线而制定的行动准则。"[2]日本民主党上台执政后,面对东北亚地区不断变化的新的地区安全环境,对于一个没有执政经验的新政党来说,其采取的各项政策在战略层面上只能是原自民党政府的继承和延续,不会因新政党上台执政而发生战略性"急变"。2011年以后,东北亚地区形势因朝鲜半岛局势、中日关系摩擦加深以及日俄在解决领土问题上的新纠纷等等,而增加了不确定性,使民主党政府的东北亚安全政策面临着新难题和新挑战,也逼迫其在安全政策上作出新调整。但这些调整仅仅是根据新形势变化作出的政策对应,多属于"策略"层面。野田首相其人、性格及处事方式的圆滑,为日本走出东北亚地区安全"困局"多少会增加一些新变量。 相似文献
1000.
In this article, we explain how the political opportunity structure characterized by official secularism and state regulation of religion has shaped the politicization of religiously oriented civil society in Turkey. The ban on religious political parties and strict state control over religious institutions create constraints for the expression of religious interests. However, due to changes in laws regulating the civil society sector and rule by a religiously sympathetic political party, religious groups use associations and foundations to express their interests. We observe that, in this strictly controlled opportunity structure, religiously oriented Muslims have framed their religious interests in the political realm parallel to those of the dominant political party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Through a study of non-governmental organizations we document the rhetoric religious groups use to frame their position on several key issues: religious freedom for the majority religious group, methods of resolving issues related to minority populations, and the Ottoman heritage of charitable service. 相似文献