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1.
Fabio Scarpello 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2020,28(2):122-141
ABSTRACT Indonesian Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister, Susi Pudjiastuti, has become a political superstar on the back of the media attention gained with her tough stance in fighting illegal fishing since 2014. But, beyond the headlines, little is known of the political struggles unleashed by her approach, on how her policies have affected the political economy of the industry, and on whether her reforms are sustainable. Drawing on over 30 in-depth interviews, this article fills the gap. The picture that emerges is complex and fluid: the minister has made progress in limiting the reach of the foreign-led fisheries mafia, but achieved limited success in convincing Indonesians to invest in the industry or in building a constituency to support her drive. Through the lens of the political economy of the fisheries, this article also offers a window into how politics is contested in increasingly ‘populist’ Indonesia. 相似文献
2.
Nicola Graham-Kevan 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(3-4):213-225
The European Union is in the early stages of developing policy and practice guidelines for dealing with domestic violence
offenders. There is a real danger, however, that that policy and practice is going to be shaped by political lobbyists rather
than academic literature and evidence-based practice. Feminist advocates control the curriculum of domestic violence perpetrator
programmes in the US and more recently in the UK and proscribe treatments that do not conform to their conceptualisation of
domestic violence. Feminist advocates conceptualise domestic violence as unilateral male-to-female violence enacted to control
and dominate women, supported by the patriarchal beliefs and systems of the wider society. Academic support for this theory
is lacking, however, and scientifically sound evaluations find that programmes based on this philosophy have little or no
effect on recidivism. Empirical literature suggests that domestic violence is not a unitary phenomenon and that perpetrators
are a heterogeneous group whose treatment should match their crimingenic needs and risk. 相似文献
3.
20世纪90年代以来中国公民资格权利的发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
从公民资格权利发展角度考察我国的社会转型有利于分析、解释国家面临的挑战和宏观发展轨迹。1990年代以来,在市场经济的发展、社会的分化和利益的多元化、社会公平问题、政府转型的大背景下,我国公民资格权利取得了一定进展:与市场经济建设相关的公民权利内容进一步发展,民主政治的实践使公民政治权利的形式和内容有所充实,社会权利的保护和发展尚处于探索当中。从宏观角度看,公民资格诸权利呈现出分化发展和相互推动的特点;国家主导制度构建与公民积极行使权利构成公民资格权利发展的双动力;户籍制度对权利的分等作用弱化,平等的公民资格权利的普遍化进程加速;程序性权利的设置与保障仍然不足,呈现出探索性特征。 相似文献
4.
现代文明是一种独特的文明模式,其历史渊源是欧洲传统文明。中国传统文明具有独特性,它采取的是政教合一的秩序实现模式,有自身的演进逻辑。中国传统文明与现代文明本是两个不相干的系统。从政治发展的角度看,中国现代化实质上是一场秩序模式革命,包括传统政治整合模式的解构和现代秩序模式的创建。与欧洲特别是英国“顺势现代化”模式相比,中国的现代化属于“逆势现代化”,其过程的复杂性和艰巨性主要在于,在现代化的启动初期,就必须在共同体的宏观层面展开对传统秩序模式的解构。 相似文献
5.
仰海峰 《江苏行政学院学报》2003,(4):17-22
符号政治经济学批判是鲍德里亚早期思想建构中的重要内容,也是他分析消费社会的理论平台。鲍德里亚认为,使用价值与交换价值的区分同符号的能指与所指的区分具有理论的同质性,在消费社会中,能指与所指的区分构成了现代资本主义合法性的前提。这决定了马克思的政治经济学批判只有发展为符号政治经济学批判,才能揭示消费过程中意识形态的产生过程。也正是在这一思考中,鲍德里亚离开了马克思,经过《生产之镜》转向后马克思思潮。 相似文献
6.
7.
Igor Luk
i 《Communist and Post》2003,36(4):509-525
Corporatism has been an influential doctrine in the Slovenian polity since its beginning. After the onset of democratization in the early 1990s, its influence remains strong. Forms of corporatism are embodied in the National Council as the second chamber of parliament, in the chamber system, the system of social partnership and the RTVS (Public Television of Slovenia) Council. It is also present in certain socio-political priorities such as a higher value being placed on partnership over competition, on fairness over human rights, on community over individualism. Social pluralism has always been a part of Slovenian public life. Political pluralism emerged at the end of the 19th century and was never fully developed. There has always been a strong inclination in the political life of Slovenia to organize around interest groups and editorial boards of various publications, a tendency that reveals a plurality of voices but a general unwillingness to fight for political power. It could also be concluded that the development of pluralism in Slovenia relies heavily on corporatism because of the general lack of liberal foundations. 相似文献
8.
杨帆 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2010,22(1):110-114
民主选举是社会主义民主的重要体现和保障,现实中破坏选举的行为层出不穷。而破坏选举罪适用范围上过于狭窄,致使不少严重危害行为置于刑法的射程之外。因此,应将破坏选举罪适用范围扩展到相当范围的政治性选举活动,具体到我国,应包涵基层群众自治组织选举、中国共产党党内选举、人民政治协商会议选举、各级人大代表法律议案表决活动等国家政治生活中重要的选举。 相似文献
9.
Michaela Fischer 《Swiss Political Science Review》2023,29(4):465-478
Switzerland is a laggard in terms of digital campaigning. Direct democratic votes, more particularly, are centered around issues and little personalized. Combined with the specificities of voters’ information behaviour in direct democratic campaigns, these features are likely to disincentivize political actors from extensively campaigning online. Instead, we expect political actors to continue relying on traditional media. These propositions are tested on a large data base of social media posts and newspaper advertisements published before direct democratic votes held in Switzerland from 1981 to 2020 and 2010 to 2020, respectively. Counterintuitively, this research note finds a strong discontinuity in campaign communication practices. Over the past decades, and between 2010 and 2020 in particular, newspaper ads have become less central to direct democratic campaign communication. At the same time, political actors are increasingly shifting their communication to the digital sphere. 相似文献
10.
刘国娟 《国家行政学院学报》2003,(5):31-33
村级治理对于乡村政治文明建设具有积极意义 ,主要表现为 :村级治理推动了乡村政治制度化的进程 ,提升了乡村社会的政治民主化水平 ,维护了乡村社会的政治稳定 相似文献