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Akhand Akhtar Hossain 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2020,28(1):13-31
ABSTRACTThis paper offers a critical analysis of creeping authoritarianism in Bangladesh’s culture and politics. Political events since the 1940s that have shaped the presently unstable state of Bangladesh’s society are interpreted specifically in terms of their cultural and political significance. One important aspect of this unstable political state is the ongoing search for Bangladeshi national identity. Accordingly, the paper seeks to answer the questions of why and how the present sociocultural and political divisions in Bangladesh have emerged from the fundamental debate over whether (1) Bengali ethnicity, language, culture, and secularism, (2) Muslim nationalism or (3) a combination of both should become the marker of Bangladesh’s national identity to secure social and political stability. Furthermore, recent social, religious and political developments across the Muslim world suggest that attempts to introduce ultra-secularism in some Muslim-majority countries since the 1950s have led to authoritarianism, a movement which has ultimately ended or will soon end through popular Islamic upsurges. Bangladesh seems to be moving toward such social and political change, as the people have become restless in their desire to remove creeping authoritarian, the mark of a repressive regime that has emerged since the early 1970s. The key lesson that can be drawn from the extant literature on this issue in the context of Bangladesh is that the extreme form of secularism or ultra-secularism, which the present ruling Awami League and its left-communist allies continue to advance and impose from above, is neither desirable nor acceptable to Bangladeshi Muslims whilst there is clear movement away from ultra-secularism by other Muslim-majority countries. This paper draws the conclusion that since neither assertive secularism nor theocratic Islamism can flourish in Bangladesh, a competitive democratic political order that accommodates aspects of both secularism and Islamic ethical-moral codes could be a feasible model for the achievement of social, cultural and political stability that is so fundamental to the promotion of steady economic growth and social justice. 相似文献
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沈培菊 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2005,17(4):83-86
在公安文书写作中,不仅需要确定性语言,同样需要运用无法确定其外延的模糊性语言。模糊语言有其特征和不可替代的作用,在公安文书的写作中应根据具体情况,恰当使用模糊语言,使公安文书正确地反映客观事实,发挥其应有的作用。 相似文献
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谈警用口语的特征及应遵循的原则 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
殷相印 《新疆警官高等专科学校学报》2004,(1):14-17
警用口语是一种特殊的言语交际类型,是口语的一种变体,它有着自身鲜明的言语特征,即警用口语的逻辑性、可接受性、策略性和言语交际对象的对抗性。为了使警用口语达到得体的目的,警用口语必须遵循四个原则:适合语境原则、交际双方的协调原则、礼貌原则和诚信原则。只有如此,才能满足警察工作复杂的言语交际需要,完成警察口语交际的功能。 相似文献
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吴远 《天津行政学院学报》2002,4(2):35-37
作为WTO的成员国,要求公务员要熟练掌握、准确使用规范的公务语言。针对目前公务语言使用中的问题,建立公务语言训练系统,加强公务语言训练,有利于维护政府和公务员的形象。 相似文献
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伴随着区块链技术的社会整合进程,以智能合约为载体的新型共犯样本呈现出异化形态,对此传统共犯归责模式面临"去中心"环境下网络平台的监管弱化、"假名主义"环境下交互主体的参与虚化、合约主体意思联络"单向一次性"的归责困境,需在尊重数字逻辑的前提下联动调整共犯归责逻辑,以实现智能合约共犯归责范阈的外限界定与内限梳清.在外部界... 相似文献
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成传雄 《广东青年干部学院学报》2015,(1):70-75
ESP需求分析理论要求,ESP课程的教学应该以目标岗位的能力要求为依托。商务英语作为ESP的重要分支,其教学过程也应该遵循这一原则。因此,在商务英语专业的语言教学过程中,通过对本专业目标岗位群进行统计分析,再依据这些岗位对语言方面的能力要求形成本专业语言综合能力的内涵,以此为总体要求来厘清专业能力的培养目标,指导语言教学,提升学生的语言综合能力。 相似文献
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陈瑛 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2004,16(4):69-73
跨文化交际在外语教学中有重要作用。外语教师应提高自身的文化修养,把优秀文 化内涵纳入学生的知识结构,使跨文化交际与外语教学的文化性相结合。 相似文献
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董俊 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2004,3(6):89-91
作为新闻评论体裁与电视媒介相结合的产物,电视新闻评论这种体裁自问世以来深受观众欢迎.但由于电视新闻评论节目起步晚尚处于发展阶段,因此,许多地方电视台制作的此类节目离思想精深、艺术精湛、制作精致的要求还有很大差距.如何加以改变?本文作者认为:一是要从整体上把握好新闻事实的事和新闻评论的理之间的关系;二是要把握材料内容和表达角度的结构关系;三是要处理好电视评论抽象和表达工具的具象关系,运用好声画语言. 相似文献
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自中国与东盟2001年签署《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议》以来,双方在经济、政治、安全以及文化方面的合作不断加深。已有众多国内外学者对东盟各国的华文教育展开理论和实证方面的研究。本文在综合近10年来国内核心期刊上发表的有关东盟华文教育的研究成果的基础上,分析东盟各国华文教育研究的内容、特点、启示和发展趋势。 相似文献