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排序方式: 共有396条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
Sailer 《Juristische Bl?tter》2008,130(11):733-734
Die Er?ffnung des Schuldenregulierungsverfahrens über das Verm?gen des Unterhaltsschuldners führt nicht zur Unterbrechung
eines Unterhaltsvorschussverfahrens. 相似文献
32.
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34.
水通道蛋白-4研究进展及法医学意义 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
头颅创伤、脑卒中、脑肿瘤、缺血性脑损伤、出血性脑损伤均伴有脑水肿的发生,严重者可危及患者生命甚至造成死亡。水通道蛋白-4(Aquaporin-4)作为主要在脑组织中表达的水通道蛋白,起着调节脑内水转运的重要功能,参与脑水肿的病理生理过程,提示研究水通道蛋白-4表达水平可能为法医学外伤性脑损伤时间推断提供新的依据。 相似文献
35.
Gottfried Call 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2008,21(4):108-109
Wenn nur der nach § 16 Abs 2 WEG 2002 ?nderungswillige Wohnungseigentümer selbst die von ihm geschaffene Einrichtung (hier:
Behindertenlift) benützt und keine Benützungsrechte anderer Wohnungseigentümer vorgesehen sind, hat ausschlie?lich dieser
sowohl die Errichtungs- als auch die laufenden Betriebskosten zu tragen, so dass wirtschaftliche Interessen der übrigen Gemeinschafter
durch den Liftbetrieb nicht beeintr?chtigt sind. Das Zustimmungsrecht der übrigen Wohnungseigentümer h?ngt auch nicht von
der Abgeltung des durch die errichtete Aufzugsanlage erh?hten Werts des WE-Objekts des ASt gegenüber den anderen Objekten
ab. Vielmehr gilt im Falle einer Neufestsetzung der Nutzwerte § 10 Abs 3 iVm § 9 Abs 2 Z 4 WEG 2002. 相似文献
36.
Kateina Bernkov Miroslava Szkutov Marie Balíkov 《Forensic Science International Supplement Series》2007,170(2-3):94
2,5-Dimethoxy-4-bromoamphetamine (DOB) is one of the potent hallucinogenic phenylalkylamines, whose ingestion has already caused several deaths reported all over the world. However, there is unsufficient information on DOB properties based on controlled pharmacokinetic studies available. The aim of this study was to clarify the distribution profile of DOB and its phenolic metabolite 2-methoxy-5-hydroxy-4-bromoamphetamine (2M5H4BA) in blood and biological tissues of experimental rats. The rats were administered a 20 mg/kg dose of DOB·HCl by oral ingestion or subcutaneous injection. Plasma and brain, liver and lung tissues were collected at 0.5, 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, and 32 h after dosing (three animals per time point). The samples were prepared by a liquid–liquid extraction procedure and the extracts were assayed by GC–MS. After per oral application, DOB peak plasma level of 320 ng/mL was reached after one-hour post dosing as well as 2M5H4BA peak concentration of 203 ng/mL. A rapid phase of DOB absorption, 2M5H4BA formation and their tissue distribution during the first two hours after application were followed by a slow decrease rate of the elimination process until 32 h. After subcutaneous application, high plasma levels of the unchanged parent drug and relatively reduced formation of its metabolite 2M5H4BA were observed. DOB maximum plasma concentration of 1143 ng/mL was reached after one-hour post application, whereas its metabolite peak level after 8 h was 213 ng/mL. The concentration profiles of both compounds in plasma after per oral and subcutaneous administration revealed the existence of significant first pass effect after per oral administration that significantly affected DOB bioavailability. DOB tissue concentrations exceeded plasma and the highest values were found in the lungs, where drug accumulation occurred with prolonged retention till 32 h after subcutaneous dose. Although the plasma/tissue transfer was more effective for the lipophilic parent drug than for its hydroxylated metabolite 2M5H4BA, the metabolite tissue levels were significant. The hallucinogenic potential of 2M5H4BA appearing in brain remains unclear as nothing is known about its pharmacological activity at present. 相似文献
37.
北一辉是二战前日本民间法西斯运动的理论指导者,他的代表作<日本改造法案大纲>被称为日本法西斯主义理论的"圣经".北一辉早年曾参加辛亥革命,与宋教仁、谭人凤等中国革命领导人相交莫逆,他所撰写的<支那革命外史>在二战后被誉为描绘日本人参与辛亥革命的最佳代表作之一.本文以北一辉的两部著作--<支那革命外史>和<日本改造法案大纲>为主要研究对象,通过探讨五四运动对北一辉有关亚洲国际战略构想的影响,以期揭示五四运动期间北一辉思想的变化在他的法西斯主义国家改造论形成过程中所起的作用. 相似文献
38.
Across parliamentary democracies, elected representatives constitute the link between citizens and government. MPs can connect with voters via the party label, or through personalized forms of representation, which is seen to be increasing in importance. However, scholars disagree on what explains variation in MPs' use of personalized representation strategies. In this article, we argue that politicians use different strategies to personalize the link between themselves and citizens: a constituency-oriented and a person-oriented strategy. To test our argument, we develop a new and novel dataset with behavioral measures of personalized representation. Using a content analyses of 698 British and Danish MPs’ personal websites, we demonstrate that the use of personalization strategies is conditional on the incentives MPs face in terms of electoral insecurity, candidate selection procedures, and the electoral context of the system. Our findings show that the level and type of personalized politics vary across political systems and may pose different types of challenges to party democracies. 相似文献
39.
Self‐driving cars (also known as driverless cars, autonomous vehicles, and highly automated vehicles [HAVs]) will change the regulatory, political, and ethical frameworks surrounding motor vehicles. At the highest levels of automation, HAVs are operated by independent machine agents, making decisions without the direct intervention of humans. The current transportation system assumes human intervention though, including legal and moral responsibilities of human operators. Has the development of these artificial intelligence (AI) and autonomous system (AS) technologies outpaced the ethical and political conversations? This paper examines discussions of HAVs, driver responsibility, and technology failure to highlight the differences between how the policy‐making institutions in the United States (Congress and the Public Administration) and technology and transportation experts are or are not speaking about responsibility in the context of autonomous systems technologies. We report findings from a big data analysis of corpus‐level documents to find that enthusiasm for HAVs has outpaced other discussions of the technology. 相似文献
40.
Studies show that women and girls consistently demonstrate higher levels of concern for the environment than men and boys. Separately, research also indicates that women officeholders pay particular attention to the issues prioritized by their female constituents. Interestingly, despite the consistency of the gender gap in attitudes to environmental issues the literature has paid scant attention to the role of women officeholders in the adoption of environmental policy. The goal of this paper was to start to address that lacuna. Using pooled cross‐sectional time series analyses of environmental standards in 18 Western parliamentary democracies (1990–2012), our initial findings indicate women officeholders are associated with the adoption of higher environmental standards. 相似文献