民主、自治与法治:“周期率”问题再思考——关于国家与社会治理的一场学术对话

"周期率"问题是1945年黄炎培与毛泽东延安窑洞对话中(即著名的"延安窑洞对")提出的一个重要话题。自谈话以来,成为迄今为止不断引起理论家和政治家们讨论的一个重要政治、法律、历史和实践问题。从国家治理视角看,黄炎培提出的周期率问题实质上是一个"国家治理效能的时空延展递减率"问题;从"地地得人,人人得事"这一句话中,可以发现黄炎培对"地方自治观"情有独钟;从毛泽东的"动商"以及反科层官僚主义的政治性格中,可以理解毛泽东为什么是一位坚定的"运动民主论"的开拓者和践行者;从邓小平的个人经历,以及他对"文革"的深刻反思中,可以理解邓小平"民主法治观"的政治关切所在;"地方自治观""运动民主观"与"民主法治观"实质上都是解决中国历史周期率问题的不同方案,如果能够实现三者间的通融即"通三统",我们将更有希望真正跳出历史周期率。     

A Bridge Too Far? Examining Bridging Assumptions in Common-Space Estimations

While most common-space estimations rely upon members who served in both the House and Senate as “bridges” to scale the remaining members, this assumes that these “bridge members” do not change their preferences when they change chambers. Such an assumption conflicts with standard notions of representation, that is, that legislators’ votes reflect (at least to some degree) the wishes of their constituents. We examine the constancy of this common-space voting assumption by focusing on a subset of House members who move to the Senate: those who come from statewide House districts. Using these members as the bridge actors—and thus bridging by constituency explicitly—in a one-dimensional item response theory model, we find that the standard assumption of chamber switchers in common-space estimations is technically, but immaterially, false. While there are statistically distinguishable differences in House and Senate voting records for chamber switchers, they are not sufficiently large to meaningfully undermine bridging.     

从思想道德维度论新中国反腐倡廉教育历程与经验

新中国成立以来,中国共产党十分重视运用思想道德方式开展反腐倡廉教育。重视从政治上、思想上、道德上和作风上对党员和领导干部进行教育,从而构筑起防腐拒变的思想道德防线。在这个历程中,积累了诸多经验启示,加强反腐倡廉教育必须把思想政治建设放在首位,加强廉政文化建设,采取正面典型示范和反面典型警示相结合的方法,以健全制度为保证。     

论元杂剧人物命名的民族文化意蕴

对元代杂剧人物命名爬梳整理,挖掘其中蕴藏的文化内涵,探讨杂剧人名折射出的元代社会制度、思想文化、时代心理和民族特点。     

论苏联剧变中的信仰虚无主义危机

自20世纪80年代开始,苏联领导人逐步抛出错误的改革路线,引发信仰虚无主义危机。指导思想的人道主义化瓦解马克思主义信仰合法性,经济建设的私有化浪潮摧毁社会主义信仰基石,政治改革＂新思维＂引发自由主义信仰泛滥,自由化舆论宣传滋生多元理想信念。信仰虚无主义的催化剂效应,形成一股又一股反共反社会主义的浪潮,最终促成苏联解体。苏共在处理意识形态问题上教训深刻,对我国社会主义建设具有重要的借鉴意义。     

新疆网络安全领域意识形态建设之思考

20世纪90年代以来,互联网在全球得到飞速发展和普及,它在开启人类社会新时代、新空间的同时,也开启了社会主义意识形态建设的新空间。网络信息传播的特点使得互联网成为西方反华势力和境内外"三股势力"对新疆意识形态领域进行渗透和攻击的重要工具,对新疆意识形态安全提出了严峻挑战。为确保新疆网络安全领域意识形态的健康发展,我们应保持高度警惕,积极采取有效措施,加强网上舆论引导力度,形成正面舆论强势;加大主流新闻网站和政府网站的建设,构建舆论主体力量;建立有效的网络监控平台,确保新疆文化安全;加强网络立法,使网络的监管有法可依。     

法治时代的解释主义之争——以陈金钊与范进学之间有关法律解释问题的争论为分析对象

发生在陈金钊和范进学之间有关法律解释问题的争论,扩及到对诸多相关法律理论问题上的争论。双方秉持各自"反对解释"抑或"如何解释"的立场,从对"法治反对解释"命题的"真/假"之争不断地上升到对相关法律解释学的学科属性之争、司法观之争、法律观之争以及法治观之争等。无论是主张守法主义的法律意识形态,还是主张能动主义的法律意识形态,实际上,法治时代同时需要这两种不同的声音。     

中国《航运法》制定中几个基本理论问题之研究

针对中国正在制定的《航运法》,运用法理学和经济法的基本理论,结合航运经济和航运市场的特点,分析和探讨《航运法》的基本理论问题,包括《航运法》的调整对象、定义、地位、与其他法律的关系、立法指导思想、立法目的和立法基本原则。     

The Discourse of the Extreme Right and Its Ideological Implications: The Case of the Alleanza nazionale on Immigration

Against the background of research on Italian parliamentary debates on immigration, ter Wal looks at the ideological positions of the extreme-right Alleanza nazionale (AN) concerning both immigration and integration policy. In order to unravel the ideological implications she focuses on examples of various rhetorical strategies enacted in speeches by several of the party's MPs: including stategies of self- and other-presentation, and of justification and causal explanation. This analysis shows how the AN manages to propagate an ideology of ethnic nationalism that eschews the egalitarian norms and cultural pluralism necessary for full participation by migrants. The AN's transformation and re-interpretation of the meaning of the key values of equality andsolidarietàfunction as a justification for the restriction of migrants' rights. Speakers shift the perspective from immigrants' problems to the socio-economic problems of Italians in order to recommend a policy of 'the own people first'. While the AN's discourse thus continues to build on traditional extreme-right beliefs and claims, on the other hand it also espouses New Right ideologies of cultural relativism. Moreover, unlike that of radical-right parties, the AN's discourse does not express blatant forms of ethnic prejudice in the form of stereotypical beliefs and negative representations of immigrants' personal characteristics, nor does it blame immigrants, who are rather represented, and sympathized with, as victims. The moderation of and internal contradictions in its discourse makes the AN difficult     

Terrorism Salience increases System Justification: Experimental Evidence

The issue of international terrorism has figured frequently in recent political debates and media coverage. In the present paper, we explore the question of how the salience of the concept of international terrorism affects the system-justifying tendencies of public opinion. On the basis of Terror Management Theory and System Justification Theory it was hypothesized that terrorism salience would lead to increased system justification. Four experiments with student and non-student adult samples support the hypothesis, yielding a medium-sized average effect of d = 0.47. Across variations in the intensity of focal death-related thoughts, the effect was not subject to boundary conditions typical of mortality salience effects. Social and political psychological implications are discussed.