台湾南部的社会政治环境与民进党的政治版图——兼对“南方政治”定义的探讨

台湾的政治版图已出现所渭"北蓝南绿"的格局,台湾学界有人将南部稳定支持绿营政党的情形命名为"南方政治"。实际上民进党在南部的政治版图从1990年代中期就已经显形,台湾南部由于本省人占多数的"省籍-族群"分布、具有更厚重本土味的性格与社会经济状况等的耦合,再加上绿营耕耘多年,引导和激发了较浓厚的"本土"价值,目前民进党在南部的政治版图虽收缩,但这种社会政治环境使其仍有一定的根基。不过,研究者多数从民进党或泛绿在南部的得票率和政治版图等来分析"南方政治",这种定义是狭义性的,就"南方政治"与南部的社会政治环境相关性,从广义上其更应定义为地域意识或地方性在政治上的表现,它虽与民进党的关联颇深,但在蓝营方面也会有所体现。     

本质的还是建构的?——论性倾向平等保护中的“不可改变”进路

性倾向和性别、种族一样,属于因出生而获得的"不可改变"特征,所以应该得到严格审查,得到宪法的平等保护。这一进路遭到了批评,因为关键问题在于政府立法和性倾向之间是否具有关联性。自然科学关于同性恋生物基础的研究对"不可改变"提供了强有力的支持,而这种本质主义的研究遭到了社会建构主义者强有力的批判,身份政治中的这一争论提醒我们,从"我也无能为力"的诉求中,同性恋权利不能获得真正的力量。     

社会主义政治的实践本质

社会主义政治在本质上是实践的。因此,应当以马克思主义实践的观点和方法研究社会主义政治现实基础和运动过程,说明这个运动过程的历史逻辑、价值趋向和人在政治历史中的能动作用,描绘人的政治活动在理论批判、政治决策、政治制度建构和变革诸方面的展开。相对于政治实践和现实的政治关系而言,政治观念、政治制度不是本原,不是政治研究的基本前提和出发点。当代中国的马克思主义政治理论应当研究中国社会主义政治实践提出的现实问题。     

Partisanship,attribution and approval in a public health shock

Political scientists have long agreed that partisanship can bias how voters evaluate government performance and attribute responsibility. However, less is known about how – and to what extent – these biases work across different types of voters, or how they respond to positive or non-partisan policy outcomes. In this research note we address these questions, focusing on how voters respond to a positive, non-partisan public health shock: the successful early rollout of Covid-19 vaccinations in England. Through a pre-registered information experiment embedded in the British Election Study (N > 6000), we test how voters respond to claims that the quasi-independent National Health Service, rather than the government, deserved credit for the success of the programme. On average, subjects do attribute less responsibility to government, but this has no downstream effect on general approval. Exploratory heterogeneity analyses suggest that government and opposition supporters, as well as historic swing voters, respond homogeneously to our intervention. Our findings are not fully explained by rational or selective frameworks of responsibility attribution, and add nuance to existing experimental work on the political effects of the pandemic.     

马来西亚政党政治的变化及其走向

巫统一党独大是马来西亚长期以来政党政治的一大特点 ,但是 1999年末马来西亚第 10次大选却表明这种局面正在发生明显的变化 ,这必将对马来西亚的政局产生深远的影响。本文试从马来西亚政党政治变化入手 ,分析变化的成因 ,并对今后一个时期马来西亚政党政治和政局的发展趋势作一展望。     

政法类高职院校办学自主权现实化研究

我国法学教育的现状,难以培养出符合社会需求的法律职业共同体.政法类高职院校应充分落实办学自主权,积极争取,把握机遇,以自身为主体整合法学教育资源成立省级政法学院,使法学教育、法律职业培训和终身化的法律继续教育相互衔接、统一的教育培训制度得以落实.     

试论东南亚庇护主义的形成与发展——以威权体制下的资本政治为视域

庇护主义在东南亚由来已久,传统的庇护主义渗入到威权体制的资本政治形态中,资本政治形态则赋予了庇护主义以新的内涵与发展.一方面这是由威权体制本身的性质所决定的,另一方面则是基于资本政治的建设.不同威权体制下资本政治的庇护主义模式存在差异性,如泰国是一种兼具合作与掠夺的混合型模式,而菲律宾则是私利取向的掠夺型模式.威权体制与资本政治形态的变迁动摇了庇护主义的存在基础,庇护主义的发展直接影响到威权体制的民主转型.     

Islamism,secularism and post-Islamism: the Muslim world and the case of Bangladesh

This paper provides a historical overview of the emerging post-Islamist phenomenon in the Muslim world and discusses the scope for sustainable democratic politics in Bangladesh. In the process, a model is proposed that purports to exhibit a level of compatibility with the perceived political landscape in Bangladesh. The model adopts a version of the Hotelling–Downs principle of democracy and sets it within the ‘post-Islamist’ paradigm in such a way that, if it can be implemented, even if only partially, may lead to the sustained political stability of Bangladesh. The paper highlights illiberal and undemocratic practices of the two dominant Bangladeshi political parties as a major feature of the present status quo. These practices dominate Bangladeshi politics through the continuous attempts of their exponents to impose monopolistic views on the various symbols of national identity, despite the multi-racial, multi-religious nature of Bangladesh society. The paper concludes that a democratic system of politics, which accommodates aspects of secularism, language, Muslim identity and post-Islamist ‘Islamic ethical–moral–legal codes’, remains the feasible political discourse for forming and consolidating the country’s multi-racial, multi-religious national identity over the long run and its survival as a sovereign state.     

Islamic political parties and the nature of politics in Pakistan

The ‘war on terror’ has not only increased the operation and significance of Islamic parties but also intensified suspicion against them. The lack of comprehensive theoretical research about Islamic parties has further contributed to misunderstanding of their nature and politics. This article theorizes and classifies Islamic parties, especially of Pakistan, and explores their origin, development and nature. The conventional theories of party origin and traditional classifications of political parties are shown to have limited validity in the case of Islamic parties. Rather, the origin and development of Islamic parties is explored through the theoretical construct of historical crisis situation theory, consisting of four crisis situations. Moreover, a new typology of Islamic parties is developed and the Islamic parties are classified on the basis of six variables into three parties: clerical, conservative and Islamist. The exploration of the role of Islamic parties in Pakistan shows that party variables are not only essential to understand their proper nature but also critical to comprehend their politics. Though unanimously categorized as ‘Islamic’, their politics significantly differ and Pakistan provides a typical case to show the heterogeneous Islamic politics of Islamic parties.     

“善优先于权利”的社群主义政治伦理观

社群主义主张“善优先于权利”的政治伦理观。社群本位是哲学基础,善优先于权利是核心表达,公益政治学”是具体主张。它试图把对自由、正义等的理解纳入社群的传统文化和传统德性的语境中把握。但是,社群主义并未真正突破西方的自由传统,它本身存在的矛盾和缺陷以及导致的道德相对主义倾向也使社群主义无法摆脱道德评价上的缺失和不足。