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931.
陈文佼 《贵阳市委党校学报》2013,(1):30-34
小城镇发展是贵州实施城镇化带动战略的重要内容。大力发展小城镇可以转移农村人口,提高城镇化水平,拓展城乡市场,发展乡镇企业,优化产业结构,推进社会主义新农村建设。发展小城镇要科学规划、放宽准入、加大投入、强化管理,提升小城镇的品质。 相似文献
932.
李新廷 《胜利油田党校学报》2013,(4):38-41
政治体制的改革是当下中国面临的最大的一项课题。改革开放30多年来,中国特色社会主义市场经济体系的初步建立和完善,使中国发生了翻天覆地的变化,但是经济体制改革存在着一些潜在的问题和社会矛盾,反过来倒逼政治体制改革。中国现代化的转型不只需要经济体制的改革,更是要在市场经济的时代下进行政治体制的改革。政治体制的改革就是要建设一个成熟的民主和法治的现代化国家。为了实现这一目标,中国政治体制改革应该走一条既要有自上而下的推动,又要有自下而上的探索和实践的改革路径。 相似文献
933.
Pak Nung Wong 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(4):584-609
With respect to the major approaches of state-society relations and Chinese business networks in Southeast Asia, two knowledge gaps are identified. First, little is known about how two sets of dualistic conceptual entities may be connected in the often-contentious state formation process between: (1) the ruling minority and ruled majority; and (2) the nationalising state and grain-producing frontiers. Second, very little is known about the role that the Chinese business networks played and how they contributed to the state formation processes. Using a Philippine trans-local grain-trading network as a site of investigation, the paper seeks to fill these knowledge gaps by delineating an integrative approach – designated as rhizomatic political economy – which argues that Southeast Asian state formation may hinge on the instrumentalisation of Chinese business networks and what is identified as their rhizomatic power/knowledge system. They are not just business-brokers in the trans-local grain trade that connects the national capital and grain-producing locales, but also serve as political brokers to implement state measures in regards to food and interior security affairs. 相似文献
934.
Nicolas Grinberg 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(4):711-734
This article analyses the process of economic development and associated political transformations in South Korea since the mid-1960s. It claims that, as in the rest of East Asia, capital accumulation in South Korea has revolved around the production of specific industrial goods for world markets using the relatively cheap and highly disciplined local workforce for simplified labour processes, as appendages of the machine or in manual assembly operations. This modality of accumulation resulted from changes in the forms of production of relative surplus value on a global scale through the development of computerisation and robotisation, and the concomitant transformation in the productive attributes of the collective worker of large-scale industry. The article identifies the main characteristics of the political and economic relations through which the structural transformation of the Korean society came about throughout the period studied, as a form of realising the global unity of the process of capitalist development. This analysis not only supports the claims made about the specific characteristics of the East Asian processes of capitalist development. It also shows the intrinsic unity of seemingly diverse political-economy processes, as forms of realisation of the transformations of Korean society. 相似文献
935.
Elena Shadrina 《后苏联事务》2013,29(6):461-499
A Tokyo-based economist and a noted western economic geographer, both specializing in the hydrocarbon resources of Russia, apply the framework of governance studies in an effort to gain a deeper understanding of the recent changes in the country's energy policy-making. The authors argue that, unlike the international relations paradigm prevailing in studies of Russia's energy policy, the country's multiple roles in the international energy arena (as producer, consumer, exporter, importer, and transit state) warrant a more nuanced approach, reflecting Russian energy policy's flexibility over time and diversity across space. This paper endeavors, therefore, to apply a political economy and governance perspective to an understanding of the significant changes in Russia's energy policy-making regarding its dynamic energy relations with the Northeast Asia (NEA; China, Japan, and South Korea). In exploring the complex interactions between Russia's internal energy policy-making and its emerging energy relations in NEA, the authors addresses three key questions, namely: (1) how Russia's Asian energy policy corresponds to its domestic needs, (2) how much coherence in energy governance and cooperation exists between Russia and the Northeast Asian states at the institutional and organizational levels, and (3) the extent to which Russia's expectations for increased energy cooperation with the Northeast Asian states are likely to materialize. 相似文献
936.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(1):69-79
ABSTRACT This article situates the election of Barack Hussein Obama as President of the United States of America within the current global political economy. It examines the major tenets of neo-liberalism, the founding ideology of this economy, and the policies by which neo-liberal ideology targeted and achieved a diminution of global state authority concomitant with a rise of market sovereignty. The consequences have been disastrous for the evolution of constitutional democracy and are at the root of the current economic crisis. As a critical factor that propelled Barack Obama's election, this article argues that Obama's presidency may offer a turning point away from a neo-liberal ideology and towards a strengthened commitment to constitutional democracy. 相似文献
937.
Mark Beeson 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1962-1978
The impact of rising powers generally and the BRICS - Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa - in particular on the existing global order has become controversial and contested. Donald Trump’s nationalist foreign policy agenda has raised questions about the BRICS willingness and capacity to provide leadership in place on an American administration that is increasingly inward looking. As a result, the rise of BRICS poses potential normative and structural challenges to the existing liberal international order. Given its geoeconomic significance, China also poses a potential problem for the other BRICS, as well as the governance of the existing order more generally. Consequently, we argue that it will be difficult for the BRICS to maintain a unified position amongst themselves, let alone play a constructive role in preserving the foundations of ‘global governance’. 相似文献
938.
Rebecca E. Schiel 《Democratization》2013,20(8):1439-1457
Prior research has not established a clear relationship between democracy and insulation from coups d’état, with very few studies illustrating robust findings on the subject. I contend that the lack of attention paid to the conditional influences of democracy on coups has resulted in these mixed findings. I posit that insulation from coups occurs at higher levels of economic development in both autocracies and democracies. However, the vulnerability present at low levels of economic development is significantly greater in democracies. Poor democracies lack the coercive capacity associated with authoritarian states, suffer from relatively weaker patronage networks, and have smaller pots for public goods provision, all making them less capable of maintaining elite loyalty. An assessment of 165 states for the years 1950–2011 offers strong support for the argument. Democracies are indeed an important part of the coup story, but only when simultaneously addressing their level of economic development. 相似文献
939.
任玉平 《中国青年政治学院学报》2006,25(5):111-113
县域经济是国民经济的重要组成部分,是统筹城乡经济社会发展的基本单元,是全面实现小康社会目标的关键和重点。影响县域经济发展的因素主要有自然条件优势、产业与企业的竞争力、人力资源竞争力、与周边区域的互动力。发展县域经济要以工业化为动力,以城镇化为依托,以改革和制度创新为保障。 相似文献
940.
张首魁 《陕西行政学院学报》2012,26(2):14-18
产业集群是区域竞争优势形成的重要途径。产业集群的发展与核心企业的成长相互影响、相互决定。核心企业在产业集群发展中起着企业集聚、产业组织、产品导向、创新引领的作用。从陕西产业集群发展现状出发,产业集群发展的政策设计,应突出核心企业的集聚、衍生、裂变以及配套企业的关联和产业组织的根植。在产业集群发展的不同阶段,需采取相应的针对核心企业作用发挥的产业政策。 相似文献