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991.
宁明 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2015,(1):68-72
从\"我奶奶\"到\"母亲\"再到\"姑姑\",莫言文学作品中的女性大都行为泼辣、敢做敢当,从传统习俗来看,其行为不符合传统认知,甚至可以称得上叛逆。但是,她们内心却有各自对爱情、生活、事业的独特认识和坚守。但在其作品中,\"我奶奶\"终究还是一位符合男性审美和对女性美好期待的女子;\"母亲\"则凸显了其背后的象征意义,是一个承载着时代变迁仍旧不折不屈、仁爱宽厚的地母形象;\"姑姑\"身上的职业标签、人性的本真则超越了其性别身份,让莫言的创作实现了从\"写女人\"到\"写人\"的转变,这其中既包含了时代的价值观,也反映了莫言本人对人生、对生活认识的变化,亦是他创作日臻成熟的体现。 相似文献
992.
刘成敏 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2015,(2):45-53
There are two paradox voices about the revival of Confucianism constructed by typical phenomena, the victory and the corruption, which display the two directions of Confucianism’s transformation in Han dynasty. Behind the paradox, it’s the academic trend of skills overweighing truth and inter-ccommodation between Zhuzi(诸子); tracing the history, the performative thinking of Confucianism accommodating Zhuzi and carrying out its kingcrafts by submitting to monarch can be clearly sketched. The Confucianism doesn’t win separately by banning Zhuzi , whereas it makes the others succeed indirectly. 相似文献
993.
消费者对互联网银行的可接受度问题研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
刘志洋 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2015,(2):85-93
互联网银行能否取得成功很大程度上取决于消费者对其的接受程度。西方互联网银行的发展早于中国,所以对其研究也早于中国,但这些早期研究对中国仍有启发意义。本文在借鉴西方学者研究基础上,综述了研究消费者是否接受互联网银行的相关理论,分析了影响消费者对互联网银行可接受度的相关因素,并着重从消费者的风险感知视角研究了影响消费者接受互联网银行的风险,最后就如何发展中国互联网银行提出了政策建议。 相似文献
994.
刘欢萍 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2014,(5):35-41
在历代帝王巡游中,清代乾隆皇帝的六次南巡最为世瞩目,其频率之高、规模之大、影响之重及后世传闻之广,堪称旷古未有.南巡期间,乾隆命画师相随,将江南名园、景致摹绘成图,大量仿建于北方御苑行宫.这种历史上最大规模的“移植”效法行为,为皇家园林体系注入了新的生机,成就了清中期皇家园林的空前鼎盛.同时,它更促进了江南形象的塑造与传播.这种移植仿制行为,是出于“视听享受”还是为“吏治民生”?对此,皇帝本人也在不断地寻求冠冕堂皇的悖论诠释. 相似文献
995.
董明 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2014,(2):45-52
《现代汉语字典》收录西文字母词在学界引起激烈争论。正方的观点是服务性是字典的一个主要功能,通过借形译法字母词已成为汉字的一部分。反方的观点是字典收录西文字母词将严重影响汉字的纯洁性和民族性。本文从概念、范畴、范围、层次、等级、程度和动态等维度以及它们之间的密切关系着眼,从《现代汉语字典》收录字母词的合理性、语言经济原则、汉字的纯洁性和民族性等方面,论证汉语字母词存在的合理性。 相似文献
996.
Dismissal of strikers and industrial disputes: the 1985–1987 strike and mass sackings at Silentnight
《Labor History》2012,53(4):448-464
The 1985–1987 dispute at Silentnight bed factories in the north of England was an exceptionally long and bitter strike, lasting for 20 months from June 1985 until February 1987. A total of 346 workers were sacked for taking part in the strike, which gained a high profile with remarkable levels of support and solidarity action, largely due to its emblematic status as an extreme example of punitive treatment of workers taking industrial action in the period immediately following the defeat of the miners in 1984/1985. Workers took lawful strike action in 1985 over the non-implementation of agreed pay rises and compulsory redundancies counter to an existing agreement between the firm and the union, with the company responding to the dispute with mass dismissals. Pickets were maintained at the two factories in question for nearly two years, with the strikers gaining wide-ranging support from across the labour movement, but the company stood firm against the dismissed strikers who were ultimately defeated. Based on archival research and interviews with participants in the strike, the article analyses in detail how the dispute was sustained for so long, the legal context and the weakness of legal protections for strikers in the period, and the widespread political mobilisation and networks of support and solidarity that arose around the strike and in opposition to the policies of the Conservative government of the day. 相似文献
997.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):685-703
ABSTRACTThe 1885 Chinese expulsion from Tacoma, Washington Territory highlights the importance of local political economy in shaping how a wider anti-Chinese movement played out in a particular community. Tacoma was a newly emerging city where white residents felt the threat of corporate domination in the form of the Northern Pacific Railroad. In this context, the city’s German immigrant mayor, Jacob Weisbach, could draw upon his longstanding labor radicalism to mobilize a broad anti-Chinese coalition that blurred the divide between white workers and the local business class. The result was the forceful removal of Chinese residents following a year-long campaign that culminated in mob action and became known as the ‘Tacoma Method’. This local violence in turn fed into ongoing national efforts to secure Chinese exclusion. Tacoma’s Chinese expulsion illustrates how radical labor traditions could be turned, under particular conditions, to the politics of racial repression even as the proponents of expulsion framed their efforts in terms of an egalitarian and democratic agenda. The participation of the Knights of Labor and other labor radicals in a politics exemplified by the Tacoma Method was accordingly tied to the larger racialized American state-building project as it unfolded in the late 19th Century. 相似文献
998.
申请加入DEPA不仅是中国主动参与全球数字治理的“先手棋”,更是深化国内改革和高水平开放的关键决策,有助于中国加快构建新发展格局。为推动数字经济由产业创新驱动转向更多依赖技术创新、制度创新驱动的新阶段,中国可重点在数据流动、数字技术、数字产品、数字创新和网络安全五大领域主动对接DEPA协定要求;进一步地,系统化构建以数字自由贸易港为核心,以数字营商环境示范区为抓手、以数字经济产业先行区为重点、以数字经济国际合作区为纽带、以数字经济创新试验区为动能的“一港四区”格局,推动中国数字经济开放发展、创新发展。 相似文献
999.
ABSTRACTThis introductory article revisits cross-border shadow exchanges in a comparative perspective and reflects on their theoretical implications. It explores the diversities and complexities of shadow operations and critically examines the concept of informality that is commonly used to describe such non-state-sanctioned practices. It further underlines the key role played by checkpoint politics in border governance. Border checkpoints serve both as a state institution in regulating border crossings as well as a political site where material and power exchanges among state and non-state actors are negotiated. Such negotiation of selective passage through state-controlled gateways is often predicated upon the skilful manipulation of time and space by experienced traders and brokers. 相似文献
1000.
《资本论》经济伦理视阈下低碳经济发展研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
该文从《资本论》的人道观、自由观、正义论角度出发,对中国建立低碳经济制度进行分析,认为《资本论》对高碳经济的正义审视仍未过时,对建设中国低碳经济的制度保障也不乏现实的启示性。 相似文献